peace and conformity, together with a legal "provifion for the clergy of that religion; and "with a complete toleration of all diffenters from "the established church, without any other li"mitation or exception, than what arises from "the conjunction of dangerous political difpo"fitions with certain religious tenets, appears to

be, not only the most just and liberal, but the "wifeft and fafeft fyftem, which a state can

adopt: inasmuch as it unites the several per"fections which a religious constitution ought "to aim at liberty of confcience, with means "of instruction; the progress of truth, with the peace of fociety; the right of private judg◄ "ment, with the care of the public safety."

CHAP.

CHAP. XI.

OF POPULATION AND PROVISION; AND OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE, AS SUBSERVIENT THERETO.

T

HE final view of all rational politics is to produce the greatest quantity of happiness in a given tract of country. The riches, ftrength, and glory of nations; the topics which history celebrates, and which alone almoft engage the praises, and poffefs the admiration of mankind, have no value farther than as they contribute to this end. When they interfere with it, they are evils, and not the less real for the splendour that furrounds them.

Secondly, although we fpeak of communities as of fentient beings; although we afcribe to them happiness and mifery, defires, interefts, and paffions, nothing really exifts or feels but individuals. The happiness of a people is made up of the happiness of fingle perfons; and the quan tity of happiness can only be augmented by in

creafing

creafing the number of the percipients, or the pleafure of their perceptions.

Thirdly, notwithstanding that diverfity of condition, efpecially different degrees of plenty, freedom, and security, greatly vary the quantity of happiness enjoyed by the fame number of individuals; and notwithstanding that extreme cases may be found, of human beings fo galled by the rigours of flavery, that the increase of numbers is only the amplification of mifery; yet, within certain limits, and within those limits to which civil life is diverfified under the temperate governments that obtain in Europe, it may be affirmed, I think, with certainty, that the quantity of hap piness produced in any given diftrict, fo far depends upon the number of inhabitants, that, in comparing adjoining periods in the fame country, the collective happiness will be nearly in the exact proportion of the numbers, that is, twice the number of inhabitants will produce double the quantity of happinefs; in diftant periods, and different countries, under great changes or great diffimilitude of civil condition, although the proportion of enjoyment may fall much short of that of the numbers, yet fill any considerable excefs of numbers will ufually carry with it a preponderation of happinefs; that, at least, it

may, and ought to be affumed in all political deliberations, that a larger portion of happiness is enjoyed amongst ten perfons, poffeffing the means of healthy fubfiftence, than can be produced by five perfons, under every advantage of power, affluence, and luxury.

From these principles it follows, that the quan tity of happiness in a given diftrict, although it is poffible it may be increased, the number of inhabitants remaining the fame, is chiefly and moft naturally affected by alteration of the numbers: that, confequently, the decay of popula tion is the greatest evil that a ftate can fuffer; and the improvement of it the object which ought in all countries, to be aimed at in preference to every other political purpose whatso

ever.

The importance of population, and the fuperiority of it to every other national advantage, are points neceffary to be inculcated, and to be. understood; inafmuch as false estimates, or fantaftic notions of national grandeur, are perpetually drawing the attention of statesmen and legiflators from the care of this, which is, at all times, the true and abfolute interest of a country: for which reason, we have ftated these points with unufual formality. We will confefs, how

ever, that a competition can feldom arife between the advancement of population and any measure of fober utility; because, in the ordinary progress of human affairs, whatever, in any way, contributes to make a people happier, tends to render them more numerous.

In the fecundity of the human, as of every other fpecies of animals, nature has provided for an indefinite multiplication. Mankind have increased to their prefent number from a single pair the offspring of early marriages, in the ordinary courfe of procreation, do more than replace the parents: in countries, and under circumstances very favourable to fubfiftence, the population has been doubled in the fpace of twenty years; the havoc occalioned by wars, earthquakes, famine, or peftilence, is usually repaired in a fhort time. These indications fufficiently demonftrate the tendency of nature in the human fpecies to a continual increase of its numbers. It becomes therefore a queftion that may reafonably be propounded, what are the caufes which confine or check the natural progrefs of this multiplication? And the answer which firft prefents itfelf to the thoughts of the enquirer is, that the population of a country muft ftop when the country can maintain no

more,