The parliament then passed these bills; one for declaring all who refused the abjuration to be in the condition of convict-recusants. By the second the habeas corpus act was suspended till October; and by the last the clans of Scotland were discharged from their vassalage to any rebel chieftains. Ten battalions of British troops were ordered immediately home from Flanders } the earl of Leven, commander in chief in Scotland, began to form an army near the city of Edinburgh; but what was of more importance than all other measures of caution or defence united, a powerful squadron had been fitted out with incredible diligence, under the command of sir George Byng, an officer of great skill and courage, who cast anchor off Mardyke, on the 27th February, M. Fourbin, who commanded the French armament, astonished at the sudden appearance of a force so far superior, represented to the French king that he might indeed get out of Dunkirk harbour, and perhaps land the troops, but that he could not answer for his majesty's ships; but he received in, return positive orders to put to sea with the first fair wind. The British fleet being soon after driven from their station by stress of weather, the count sailed March the 17th from Dunkirk, at three in the morning, but sir George Byng having notice of it in a few hours, pursued them so closely, that it was not in the power of M. Fourbin to land the troops he had on board, according to their destination, in the Frith of Forth. A nocturnal engagement took place in the mouth of the Frith, in which one of their largest ships struck to the English, the rest escaping with difficulty under cover of the darkness. They then attempted to make for Inverness, but violent

tempests arising in that northern and boisterous sea, so shattered the French squadron, already damaged by the engagement, that a unanimous resolution was taken to return forthwith to Dunkirk, where they landed in the month of April, after losing above 4000 men in this hopeless and romantic expedition, against which M. Fourbin had, as he himself informs us, remonstrated in the strongest terms. "The night before I set out for Dunkirk," to transcribe the words of this officer in his memoirs, "I went to court to take my leave of the king." "M. le Compté," said his majesty, " you are sensible of the importance of your commission, I hope you will discharge it like yourself." "Sir," replied I,

your majesty docs me very great honour, but if you will vouchsafe me a moment's audience, I have several things to represent to you concerning this commission." The king, who had been informed by the minister of the objections I had made to it all along, only said, "Monsieur Fourbin, I wish you a good voyage, I have affairs upon my hands, and cannot hear you now."

On the March the queen came in person to the house of peers, and in a gracious and popular speech informed the two houses, that she had received advices of the sailing of the French fleet northward, with the PRETENDER on board. On this occasion both houses presented addresses remarkably firm and animated. In these addresses the first symptoms are to be found of any suspicions publicly expressed by the whigs, of the decline of their influence with the queen.

"There can be nothing so dangerous or fatal to the safety of your royal person," say the commons, "and the security of your present happy establishment, as

those persons who endeavour to create divisions and animosities among your faithful subjects, or by any artful methods lessen the just esteem your majesty has for those who have so eminently, and in so distinguishing a manner, commanded your armies and managed your treasure, to the honor and glory of your majesty abroad, and the entire satisfaction of your people at home. We therefore humbly beg leave to beseech your majesty to discountenance all such persons and designs in the most remarkable manner." And the lords adopted language to the same purpose yet more emphatical. "We hope," say their lordships, "your majesty will always have a just detestation of those persons, who, at any time when this hellish attempt was on foot, and so near breaking out, were using their endeavors to misrepresent the actions of your best subjects, and create jealousies in your majesty of those who had always served you most eminently and faithfully and we beseech your majesty not to give so just a cause of uneasiness to the people, as to suffer such hereafter to have access to your royal person. We hope for this good effect from so unhappy an occasion, that the universal zeal which will appear for the preservation of your majesty's government, and the protestant succession, will unite us to one another, and cure our mistakes and misapprehensions, which have been so industriously and maliciously improved. But nevertheless we most humbly offer it to your majesty, as our opinion, that your majesty should principally depend upon and encourage those who have been, ever since the Revolution, most steady and firm to the interest of the late king, and of your majesty during your happy reign." To these addresses the queen re

any

turned, as far as words could go, very satisfactory

answers.

To the commons she said, "I think all who endeavour to make divisions among my faithful subjects, must be mine and the kingdom's enemies; and I shall never countenance any persons who would go about to lessen the just esteem which I have for those who have done and continue to do me the most eminent services." In terms still more explicit, she thus concluded her reply to the address of the 66 peers: As I cannot but wish there were not the least occasion of distinction among my subjects, so I must always place my chief dependence upon those who have given such repeated proofs of the greatest warmth and concern for the support of the Revolution, security of my person, and of the protestant succession."

Notwithstanding the amplitude of these professions, the chiefs of the whig party well knew that all was false and hollow, and that the heart of the queen was totally alienated from them. But they depended with fatal presumption upon her inability to emancipate herself from what she now visibly regarded as a state of political degradation and bondage.

STATE OF POLITICS IN ENGLAND.

A. D. 1708-9-10.

EVERY circumstance concurs to prove that the im politic violence practised upon the queen, in compelling her to dismiss sir Charles Hedges, and to appoint the earl of Sunderland secretary of state in his room, gave the first sensible and real shock to the Marlborough interest. It is indeed asserted that the duchess of Marlborough, after the victory of Blenheim, and her subsequent advancement to the rank of princess of the empire, became visibly more neglectful than formerly of her duty at court, and, in the presence of the queen, her behaviour was remarked to be inattentive, and almost contemptuous to her majesty, who conceived in time a disgust at this, though she was long before she discovered any symptoms of resentment. Her absences also were very frequent, and unusually protracted, and she fondly imagined that the attentions of her kinswoman, Mrs. Hill, afterwards Mrs. Masham, would compensate. for her own negligence. But the moment Mrs. Hill perceived that she had superseded the duchess in the queen's affections, she ceased to be a co-adjutor, and became a rival: chusing Mr. Harley as her adviser and confidential friend. In the session of 1705-6, the tories had given mortal offence to the queen, by bringing forward in parliament the famous motion for inviting over the princess Sophia, and she then declared, to the lords Marlborough and Godolphin, her resolution to put her