The new debate on Sir Robert Peel's motion, which was thus proposed, was concluded on June 4 (the very evening on which Lord John had intended to bring forward his Corn Law proposal), when the Ministry was defeated by a majority of one; and on the following Monday Lord John announced that the Government would merely wind up any necessary business, and appeal to the country. In reply to Sir Robert Peel he added that no time would be lost either in dissolving the present Parliament or in summoning a new one; so that the fate of the Government might at once be determined by a House of Commons expressly elected to pronounce it.1 In effect, Parliament was dissolved on the 23rd of June. Since the formation of the Whig Ministry, Lord John had represented Stroud. When a dissolution was resolved on, the Liberals of the City of London sent him a requisition, signed by nearly 5,000 persons, inviting him to contest the City. 'The authority of the first city in the United Kingdom,' -as he told his old constituents at Stroud in a farewell address,-was 'so great that he felt he could not shrink from the acceptance of this spontaneous and generous offer.' And though-to quote the words of the address which he issued at the same time to the electors of the City-on an ordinary occasion he would have preferred that some one more conversant with their various affairs should have been chosen as their representative, This is no ordinary occasion. In framing the measures lately announced to Parliament, it has been the wish of the Queen's Government to lighten that kind of taxation which, while it yields nothing to the Exchequer, presses heavily upon the people. They 1 Sir Robert Peel, in winding up the debate on the no-confidence question, had made, fairly enough, a very strong attack on the Government, but had rather unnecessarily and unfairly stated that the Government had adopted the Budget at a very recent period, and that they had brought forward the subject solely with the view of producing excitement among the people and not with the view of really considering the question. The Duke of Bedford was very angry at this charge against his brother, and begged Lord John on June 7 'not to let Peel escape to-night.' Lord John, as a matter of fact, did deny the charge; and Sir Robert accepted his denial. have endeavoured, at the same time, to give every fair consideration to the political interests of the country. But their main object has been to increase the comfort, to promote the trade, and to unchain the industry of the great pervading interests of the whole community. These measures have suffered in our hands a temporary defeat, but I cannot doubt the truth of the principles on which they are founded. Nor can I believe that, in the great metropolis of commerce, these principles will be condemned. Anxious to see your weight thrown into the scale against monopoly, and your testimony given in favour of freedom of trade, I cheerfully ask your suffrages and hope to be sustained by your enlightened approbation. His confidence was very nearly misplaced. Lord John, though returned, was at the bottom of the list of the four successful candidates. But the City, if it hesitated to accept him as its representative at the first, remained faithful to him. afterwards. In the preceding eighteen years Lord John had sat for Tavistock, for Huntingdonshire, Bandon, Tavistock again, Devonshire, and Stroud. In the succeeding eighteen years of House of Commons life he sat for London alone. Lord John refrained from thanking the electors for their support till the succeeding 19th of July. On that day he issued a long address, which, as an apology for his policy in the past and a declaration of his policy for the future, is so important that it must be inserted almost entire : In the early part of last year, when a resolution declaring want of confidence in the Government was brought forward, I distinctly announced the intention of proposing additional taxes to meet the increased expenditure of the country. In the present year . . . . we found that the new taxes were not sufficient to supply the deficiency. We were of opinion that we could not with due regard to the honour and safety of the nation reduce its naval and military force. But, upon a careful review of our commercial imposts, we came to the conclusion that, by removing prohibitions and lessening restrictions, it was possible to replenish the treasury, and at the same time to secure to the working classes a greater command of the necessaries of life at steady and moderate prices. The first measure brought forward on the subject was intended to give increased freedom of trade to our colonies. But, in defending this measure in a debate before Easter, I stated that the Cabinet were resolved to extend the same principles to our whole commercial policy . . . . In the face of this declaration it has been asserted that our commercial and financial plans were brought forward only because we had been defeated on a clause in the Irish Registration Bill. It was difficult to refute our arguments; it was easy to misconstrue our motives. . . . Others have said that, with a precarious majority in the House of Commons, we ought not to have announced measures of such vast importance. But, had we resigned with a deficient revenue, and without pointing out the means of improving it, the same persons would with far more justice have accused us of being afraid to meet the difficulties we had caused. . . . It appeared to us, on the contrary, that it was our duty to lay before the House of Commons plans which we considered beneficial. When defeated there we advised her Majesty to appeal to the people at large. As soon as the new Parliament meets we shall take the first opportunity of asking for a clear and decided judgment upon the policy we have proposed. The result of such an appeal may be easily foreseen. . . . As no Ministers of the Crown can stand without the confidence of the House of Commons, our retirement from office will immediately follow the condemnation of our policy. In this altered position it would be inconsistent with my notions of public duty to harass the Government of the day by vexatious opposition, still less to deny to the Crown the means of maintaining the reputation of the country abroad and internal quiet at home. But when the great principles of religious, civil, and commercial liberty come into question, those principles must be firmly and fearlessly supported. Whatever party may be in power, they are so inseparably connected with the progress of society that, although the country may doubt, may pause, may ponder, it will examine, discuss, and finally adopt them. ... We know from Mr. Greville that the language which Lord John held in private corresponded with that which he used in this remarkable address. He assured his brother the Duke that, while he would be in his place to support the good cause, he would adhere to a moderate course,' though he was aware that he should run the risk of giving great offence to many of his party, and probably of determining his own exclusion from office; and Mr. Greville adds The letter of John Russell's to which I have alluded was a very amiable and creditable production. As it was written in habitual confidence to his brother, it is impossible to doubt his sincerity. After speaking of his political intentions and his probable exclusion. from office, he proceeded to say that he looked forward with delight to his establishment at Endsleigh,' and to the opportunity of resuming some long-neglected studies, and he said that he should be under the necessity of attending to those domestic economies which he had also not had time to think of: that he cared not for poverty; should have a sufficiency for comfort; and could always by writing and publishing add a few hundreds to his income. I was struck with the calm philosophy and the unselfish patriotism which his letter breathed, and with the grateful feelings he expressed at the happiness which seemed yet to be preserved for him. It is pleasant to contemplate a mind so well regulated—at once so vigorous, honest, and gentle ; it cannot fail to be happy, because it possesses that salutary energy which is always filling the mind with good food; those pure and lofty aspirations which are able to quell the petty passions and infirmities which assail and degrade inferior minds; and, above all, those warm affections which seek for objects round which they may cling, which are the best safeguard against selfishness, and diffuse throughout the moral being that vital glow which animates existence itself, is superior to all other pleasures, and renders all evils comparatively light. Happily for Lord John his warm affections had found a new object to cling to, and, in the hour of his fall, he could meditate on his own joy. For, with Lord John, political crises synchronised mysteriously with his own personal history; and at the close of the election of 1841 he was married to Lady Fanny Elliot. Perhaps his second marriage strikingly illustrates the extended period through which, in good report and evil report, he had led the House of Commons. For while, on the day which had succeeded his first marriage, he had been hastily recalled from his honeymoon to assume the duties of Secretary of State, it was only on the day which preceded his second marriage that he wrote the eloquent and dignified address in which he practically bade, at any rate a temporary, farewell to power. Those only who have read the letters which Lord John received from relatives and friends, in times of trouble or of joy, can realise the deep affection which his strong sym The seventh Duke, immediately after the sixth Duke's death, placed Endsleigh at Lord John's disposal. pathetic nature attracted. Such letters cannot properly be published in a memoir of this character; but, as Miss Lister's letter to him in 1840 has already been given, it may perhaps be permissible to insert a few extracts from her congratulations: June 8, 1841. My dear Lord John,--Oh! I am happier than I can tell you. God knows you have deserved all the good that may come to you. I always felt it must be because of that. I long to be with you, and to see her. . . . Oh! I am so happy that I can scarcely believe it yet. I hope Lady Fanny will write, and then I think I shall believe it.Ever your affectionate, HARRIET LISTER. Lord John's marriage with Lady Fanny took place at Minto on July 20. The bride and bridegroom drove from Minto to Bowhill, which had been lent to them by the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch." There they spent the remainder of July; and there Lady John received from her mother the following little ballad : A BORDER BALLAD. Air. Saw ye my Father. Oh, saw ye the robber That's come ow'r the border And the bonny north countrie, He cam' na wi' horses, He cam' na wi' men, Like the bauld English knights lang syne; But he thought that he could fleech Wi' his bonny southron speech And wyle awa' this lassie o' mine. 'Gae hame, gae hame To your ain countrie, Nor come ow'r the March for me.' It will be recollected that the Duchess of Buccleuch was Lord John's first cousin. |