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measure confined to their primitive organization, and are now not adequate to the urgent wants of a still growing community.

The naval armaments which at an early period forced themselves upon the necessities of the Union, soon led to the establishment of a department of the navy. But the department of Foreign Affairs, and of the interior, which, early after the formation of the government had been united in one, continued united at this time, to the unquestionable detriment of the public service. The multiplication of our relations with the nation and governments of the old world, has kept pace with that of our population and commerce, while within the last ten years a new family of nations, in our own hemisphere, has arisen among the inhabitants of the earth with whom our intercourse, commercial and political, would of itself furnish occupation to an active and industrious department. The constitution of the judiciary, experimental and imperfect as it was, even in the infancy of our existing government, is yet more inadequate to the administration of national justice at our present maturity. Nine years have elapsed since a predecessor in this office, now not the last, the citizen who perhaps of all others throughout the Union, contributed most to the formation and establishment of our constitution, in his valedictory address to congress immediately preceding his retirement from public life, urgently recommended the revision of the judiciary, and the establishment of an additional executive depart

ment.

The exigencies of the public service, and its unavoidable deficiencies, as now in exercise, have VOL. LXVII.

added yearly cumulative weight to the considerations presented by him as persuasive to the measure; and in recommending it to your deliberations, I am happy to have the influence of his high authority, in aid of the undoubted convictions of my own experience.

The laws relating to the administration of the patent office are deserving of much consideration, and, perhaps, susceptible of some improvement. The grant of power to regulate the action of congress on this subject has specified both the end to be attained and the means by which it is to be effected -to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. If an honest pride might be indulged in the reflection, that on the records of that office are already found inventions, the usefulness of which has scarcely been transcended in the annals of human ingenuity, would not its exultation be allayed by the inquiry, whether the laws have effectively insured to the inventors the reward destined to them by the constitution, even a limited term of exclusive right to their discoveries?

On the 24th of December, 1799, it was resolved by congress that a marble monument should be erected by the United States in the capitol, at the city of Washington; that the family of general Washington should be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it: and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. In reminding congress of this resolution, and that the monument contemplated I*

by it remains yet without execution, I shall indulge only the remark, that the works in the capitol are approaching to completion. That the consent of the family desired by the resolution was requested and obtained. That a monument has been recently erected in the city, at the expense of the nation, over the remains of another distinguished patriot of the revolution; and that a spot has been reserved within the walls where you are deliberating for the benefit of this and future ages, in which the mortal remains may be deposited of him whose spirit hovers over you, and listens with delight to every act of the representatives of his nation, which can tend to exalt and adorn his and their country.

The constitution under which you are assembled is a charter of limited powers; after full and solemn deliberation upon all or any of the objects which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the conclusion that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support; let no consideration induce you to assume the powers not granted to you by the people. But if the power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over the district of Colombia, if the power to lay and collect taxes, dutics, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes;

to fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish post-offices and post-roads; to declare war ; to raise and support armies; to provide and maintain a navy, to dispose of; and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ferritory or other property belonging to the United States; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into execution-If these powers, and others enumerated in the constitution may be effectually brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, the cultivation and encouragement of the mechanic and the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and profound-to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people themselves would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge-would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts,

The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the heart, and sharpens the faculties, not of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satisfaction upon the superior excellence of our political institutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth; and that the tenure of power by man is, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow men. While foreign nations less blessed with that freedom, which is power,

than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement, were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms, and proclaim to the world that we were palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority? In the course of the year now drawing to its close, we have beheld, under the auspices, and at the expense of one state of this Union, a new uni.versity unfolding its portals to the sons of science, and holding up the torch of human improvement to eyes that seek the light. We have seen, under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another state, the waters of our western lakes mingled with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the compass of a few years, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fel

low-servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, by the accomplishment of works important to the whole, and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one state can be adequate?

Finally, fellow-citizens, I shall await with cheering hope and faithful co-operation, the result of your deliberations; assured that, without encroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the respective states, or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obligations to your country, and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the common good. And may he who searches the hearts of the children of men, prosper your exertions to secure the blessings of peace, and promote the highest welfare of our country.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

MESSAGE of the VICE-PRESIDENT of COLOMBIA in charge of the GOVERNMENT, to the CONGRESS of 1825.

Fellow Citizens of the Senate and Chamber of Representatives. -This is the precise day appointed by our Constitution for the assembly of the Representatives of the Republic, in order that they may exert themselves for the happiness and prosperity of their constituents. If, in the two former sessions, Congress assembled at a later period than is provided for by the Constitution, owing to causes which are inherent in infant societies (although the enemies of the Republic have affected to overlook them), the present assembly will convince them, that with the pro

gress of time, we approach nearer to the exact observance of constitutional principles. I must congratulate Colombia and yourselves on an event which gives stability to the political system and hopes of the most happy results from the present session. It is with the greatest pleasure that the Executive is about to fulfil its duty, and contribute to this favourable issue, by giving you an accurate idea of the state of the affairs of the Republic in the various branches of its administration.

The government of his Catholic majesty, far from abandoning its

former pretensions to the sovereignty of these countries, as justice, experience, and the ruin of the Spanish nation would counsel, still labours to advance its hostile views, without affording the slightest hope of reconciliation. The Executive has reason to think that the cabinet of Madrid is well aware of a conciliatory disposition on our part, and of our desire to terminate a war, which, during fifteen years, has involved both nations in so many evils. The earnestness, however, with which the Executive has sought peace with Spain on the basis of independence, has not caused its vigilance to slumber. Congress may be assured that our means of defence are at the present moment abundant, and that any enterprise on the part of Spain against the Republic will only serve to add lustre to our arms, and to increase the humiliations of Spain.

Our relations with the American governments subsist on a footing of friendship and good understanding becoming states sustaining a common cause. The services and supplies which we have rendered to Peru have so materially altered the situation of that country, that no doubt can exist of its acquiring liberty and independence.

The

liberator and president of Colombia has displayed on this occasion even more than on former ones, those virtues which are peculiar to illustrious men, and to which the Colombian republic owes its existence. Surrounded with difficulties almost insurmountable: obliged to contend with enemies who to numerical superiority, united the confidence inspired by victory; fettered by disasters brought on by rashness, weakness, and perfidy; doubtful of receiving in time the

fresh succours which the congress had so promptly decreed; the liberator has triumphed over all these obstacles, and, aided by the patriotism of those Peruvians who remained faithful to their duty, and by the valour of the united army, has liberated an important part of the vast territory previously possessed by the Spanish troops, after inflicting on them a severe humiliation in Junin. The Executive has every hope that the auxiliaries which left Panama for Peru in October, have arrived at an opportune moment, and that, by extending the scene of operations, they will consolidate the advantages already gained, accelerate the day of Peruvian liberty, and irrevocably fix the destiny of South America. This new glory was reserved for Colombia, and for you the satisfaction of having contributed thereto by all the means in your power, and more especially, by having permitted the liberator to leave the territories of the republic. In conformity with the resolution of the legislature, I have not ratified the convention respecting territorial limits entered into between Colombia and Peru. Notwithstanding the importance of this measure, the Executive has abstained from renewing the negotiations, under an impression that we ought to give an example of good faith and generosity, by suspending all discussion thereon, whilst the Peruvian republic shall be occupied by the troops of Colombia.

The republic of Mexico has just given a terrible lesson to usurpers of the rights of the people. General Iturbide violated the law which banished him, and landed on the Mexican territory under circumstances which alarmed the

government. He was declared a traitor deserving death by act of Congress, and the penalty was inflicted without opposition. It seems evident that the Mexican government has, by this measure, made an important stride towards stability and prosperity. Recent intelligence from that part of America states that the most energetic and extraordinary measures are taken to defend its independence against the views of Spain, and to compel those towns that disregard the pact of union to return to their duty.

The provinces of Guatimala continue to preserve unmolested the sovereignty into which they spontaneously elected themselves. An accredited minister from that government to the republic is now residing in our capital. A favourable opportunity, therefore, presents itself of settling points of great interest. The establishment of limits between Colombia and Guatimala, is imperiously called for, in consequence of certain foreigners pretending to a right to the coast of Mosquito, and inasmuch as the interior boundary-line between the countries is not ascertained. The Executive, in strict compliance with the law of the 12th of July of the year 1821, has declared that that part of the Atlantic coast which extends from Cape Gracias a Dios to the river Chagres belongs to the republic, and that colonization made therein without the sanction of the government and laws of Colombia is null and void. I submit this decree to your judgment, as well as the arguments I have adduced in defence of the integrity of the territory of the republic, and its rights, and in order to frustrate the views of our enemies,

The agitated state of the Brazilian empire has not yet enabled us to form relations of friendship and good understanding with that government, with which we have likewise to arrange questions regarding territorial limits. We are assured of the good disposition of the emperor towards Colombia; and, on our part, we have avoided all cause of complaint and dissension. When the moment shall arrive for negotiating with the Brazilian government, the Executive will not fail to observe that frankness and good faith which form the basis of its principles, by conforming to the last territorial treaty made between Spain and Portugal, in Madrid, in 1777.

With the United States we maintain the most friendly and cordial relations. The treaty of peace, friendship, navigation, and commerce, celebrated by the Executive with those States, through the medium of duly-authorized plenipotentiaries, will be forthwith laid before you. The principles we have therein adopted are so commendable in their nature, as to render all eulogium superfluous. Never has the government of Colombia appeared more attached to that spirit of civilization and humanity which ought to distinguish the governments of free people, than in this treaty. Colombia will have the laudable pride of having been the first among the states of ancient Spanish America, to appear before the world united by public treaties with the most favoured nation of liberty. You will also examine the convention entered into with these States, for the purpose of putting an end to the horrible traffic in negroes of Africa. Our laws have already forbidden this execrable traffic, and the Exe

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