they not, on the contrary, done every thing to uphold and encourage it? Lord Lyndhurst admitted, that this conduct of theirs was not unnatural. The association was a formidable engine of power. It was exercised at this moment in support of the ministers, and it might fairly claim their sanction in return. And here the noble and learned lord said he could not but stop to consider what is the situation in which his Majesty's ministers stand. To whom do they look for support? To the enemies of the Protestant establishment. In Ireland their dependence is on the Papists in England on the Dissenters. Deprive them of the aid of one or other of those bodies, and they fall at once. When before, in the history of this country, was the king's government ever placed in such a position?" And, my Lords," he continued, "where is this to stop? Give these men a part of the spoils of the established church, and you only encourage them to make further demands? This is the usual result of concession, and that it will be so in this case is no matter of speculation, but of fact. What are we told by those persons? They say, that they will receive all that you offer, but that they take it only as an instalment; an earnest and means of further exactions. Indeed, the same principle is, to a certain extent, avowed by ministers themselves. They proclaim, that the only way to govern Ireland is by concession. Concede every demand, say they, and if she is not contented go on conceding till she is so."

With respect to the bill itself, Lord Lyndhurst said, he could never acquiesce in it as it stood. He objected first and chiefly to the 51. qualification which was the

basis of it. He was not so ignorant of what was passing around him as not to know, that a 51. qualification was no qualification at all; and that upon that principle the new municipal constituency would be composed of persons driven to vote under the absolute direction of the Catholic priests. Again-last session an act was passed which took the appointment of police constables from the magistrates and gave it to the lord-lieutenant; yet this measure transferred it to the towncouncils; and, be it observed, the jurisdiction of these constables was extended all over the counties in which the boroughs were situated. These town councils were to have the power of appointing officers, of giving salaries, of levying rates at their discretion. Let the House consider what would be the state of Ireland, with bodies thus elected and armed with such powers, combining and corresponding together, as instruments of the principle of agitation now dominant in that country.

Lord Lyndhurst then adverted to the observation of Lord Melbourne, that bodies which assumed a power which did not belong to them instead of becoming formidable only made themselves ridiculous. The remark might be applicable to this country, where there existed the countervailing forces of a powerful magistracy and an influential clergy, and institutions of various kinds to check any body of men in the usurpation of functions that they were not entitled to. The case was widely different in Ireland. What controlling power existed there? they set up these bodies in that country, arrayed them in legal authority, gave to them the forms and ensigns of office, with the

If

power of commanding the constabulary and of making use of the public purse-could it be said they would not be creating a power of a most formidable character?

In a case of this kind, Lord Lyndhurst said he was unwilling to rest wholly on his own general observation. There was a witness on this subject whose testimony Lord Melbourne would hardly object to, as he was the patron and protector of the noble viscount's government a witness more schooled in the arts of agitation than any other individual that ever lived-Mr. O'Connell himself had told the people of Ireland, that all he was anxious to obtain was municipal reform; give him that, said he, and he would make himself responsible for getting the rest. When he had this evidence to support the conclusion of his own reason could he question the soundness of it?

However, Lord Lyndhurst said his object was not to oppose the bill altogether. The people of Ireland were desirous that a municipal bill should pass, and he was content to vote for a measure of that kind, provided it could be so framed as to be consistent with the tranquillity of that country and the interests of the church. For this purpose it must be founded on such a principle of election as to ensure responsibility among those persons to whom the municipal administration would be intrusted. He did not, therefore, move the rejection of the present bill; but only its further postponement until the time when the measure for the regulating Irish tithes, and establishing an Irish poor-law should be before the house. The former of these might possibly be so framed as to put the church of

Ireland on a safe foundation; and the latter would afford materials for arranging the municipal franchise on something better than a nominal qualification. Lord Lyndhurst therefore moved, that for the word "now" be substituted "the third of July next."

Lord Melbourne observed, that the noble and learned baron's present speech was likely to be little less successful than was the one he pronounced on the same occasion last session, in exciting popular indignation, and aggravating every difficulty in the way of a conciliatory arrangement of the matter. He warmly questioned the learned lord's right to designate the supporters of ministers, be they Roman Catholics or Dissenters, as enemies of the constitution. There was nothing so high in his own character as should authorise his setting himself up as the censor and judge of large masses of his fellow subjects. Lord Melbourne strongly objected to the further postponement of the measure. Such a proceeding could neither tend to the promotion of a good understanding between the two houses, nor to a satisfactory arrangement of the measure. the view he takes of the spirit and purposes of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, it was most inconsistent in Lord Lyndhurst to give the bill any countenance at all. Whatever be his skill and ingenuity he can never contrive that they should not have the preponderance in municipal elections. With respect to the General Association in Ireland, and the appointment of members of it to official situations; Lord Melbourne contended, that when a body like that had grown up to importance and excited much enthusiasm among young minds,

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it would be imprudent in the government to pronounce against all connected with it the bar of perpetual exclusion from office. They had done so, it was true, in the case of members of Orange societies, but with great doubt and reluctance; and only on the ground of the peculiar and secret character of those societies.

In conclusion, Lord Melbourne opposed the further postponement of the bill. No other peer spoke on either side. The house divided, when there appeared for the original motion 119; against it 205; leaving a majority of 86 against the immediate consideration of the bill.

speaking of the political disadvantages under which the Irish have laboured as imaginary, we use the term for the sake of distinguishing them from those ills that have more directly affected the material interests of the population; and not at all as intending to underrate their importance. A disorder, if felt, is not the less real because it applies rather to the imagination than to the bodily functions of the patient; and is often, therefore only the more difficult of

cure.

We are not prepared to say, that this is the case with Ireland. It is their long perversion to party purposes which chiefly stands in the way of the adjustment of her political disorders. Her social distemper is far more arduous of management; resulting from long habits of abuse, they have become chronic, and, as it were, constitutional. The metaphor, however, here ceases to apply. The case of an individual under such circumstances would be desperate. We might palliate the symptoms, but could not hope to cure the disease. But communities are immortal; and in dealing with their ailments, the statesman has in prospect an unlimited command of time-an important element in every process, whether physical or political; and which, when things have been put upon a true course of recovery, if undisturbed by subsequent mismanagement, will of itself almost surely secure a successful result.

The great malady of Ireland is apparent. It is the destitute and degraded condition of the class which composes nine-tenths of the natives. How to deal with an evil so extensive and radical was a problem of the highest difficulty. But one thing seemed clear-that

before you attempt anything for the purpose of affecting the habits of the people, you must conciliate their confidence in your good intentions by offering them something in the shape of a positive benefit. A provision for the destitute in that country, therefore, seemed necessary, not merely as called for by the actual sufferings of the population, but as a ground for the introduction of other measures of a less palatable character.

The chief objection to the measure lay in the abuses and embarrassments that had arisen out of the administration of a similar system in England. This difficulty, however was in a great degree removed by the apparent success of the changes which have lately been introduced into the English Poorlaw; and men of all parties were now almost eager in their desire to see the system applied to Ireland, with the modifications necessary to fit it to the different circumstances of the two countries.

A board of commissioners had been for some time busied with. the consideration of this subject at Dublin; and in the last session a report containing the result of their inquiries was laid before parliament. They recommended, that a large class of the more destitute and suffering part of the population should be provided for at the public expense, by means of a national and local rate. The persons to be thus entitled to relief were lunatics, persons deaf and blind, and generally the infirm poor. Widows with young families were included in the same category. These were to be supported within the walls of public institutions; and for such of the sick as remained at home, dispensary institutions were to be formed