allegory of Addison, accordingly, we find James introduced as a young man with a sword in his right hand and a sponge in his left.* Several Jacobites disclaimed any such intention, while the majority, no doubt, looked to it as an unfailing resource against all future financial difficulties. We may notice, also, that the fundholders, probably from the same apprehension, were very moderate and reasonable in their views, and that even the reduction of their interest in 1717 was not unpopular amongst them at least one of their chief men, Mr. Bateman, told Lord Stanhope that he was glad the resolution had been taken, because though his interest was diminished, he should think his principal more secure than ever. † Walpole's next financial measure was the famous EXCISE SCHEME. The excise duties, first levied in the civil wars, and continued, but curtailed at the Restoration, were progressively increased during the stormy reigns of William and Anne. The chief articles subject to them were malt, salt, and the distilleries: their average yearly proceeds rose, under William, to nearly one million; under Anne, to nearly two millions. No additional excise was laid on during the whole reign of George the First, except a small duty on wrought plate by Stanhope. From the progress of consumption, however, they had come in 1733 to produce about 3,200,000%.§ But, meanwhile, the frauds and abuses in other parts of the revenue had become so great, and so repeatedly forced upon the consideration of Walpole, as to turn his thoughts to the whole subject, and induce him to frame a comprehensive measure upon it. Early intelligence reached the Opposition that some such plan was brewing, and they took care to poison and prepossess the public mind against it even before it was known. When the Sinking Fund was discussed, Pulteney pathetically cried, "But, Sir, there is another thing, a very terrible affair impending! A monstrous project! *Spectator, No. iii. 66 † Bolingbroke on the State of the Nation. (Polit. Works, vol. iv. p. 150. ed. 1773.) See the motive of this duty explained, vol. i. p. 295. 66 to yea, more monstrous than has ever yet been repre"sented! It is such a project as has struck terror into "the minds of most gentlemen within this House, and of "all men without doors! I mean, Sir, that "monster the Excise! That plan of arbitrary power "which is expected to be laid before this House in the 66 present Session!" The sensible advice of Mr. Pelham, to wait till the plan was disclosed, and not 66 enter into debates about what we know nothing of," was utterly unheeded; and while the secrecy of the plan did not suspend the censures of the Opposition, it enabled them to spread throughout the country the most unfounded and alarming rumours respecting it. A General Excise is coming! was the cry; a tax on all articles of consumption; a burden to grind the country to powder; a plot to overthrow the ancient Constitution, and establish in its place a baleful tyranny! The Craftsman had scarcely words enough to express his terror and resentment; and his eloquent voice found a ready echo in the bosoms of the people. For the excise duties, partly from their burden and partly from their invidious mode of collection, were most highly unpopular. They were considered oppressive, and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution,- called sometimes the cause and sometimes the consequence of bad government; and these feelings, which had arisen long before the scheme of Walpole, continued long after it. Perhaps the strongest proof of them is displayed by the invectives of so great a writer as Dr. Johnson, in so grave a work as his Dictionary. In the first edition, published in 1755, the word EXCISE is explained as "A hateful tax levied upon commodities, "and adjudged, not by common judges of property, but "by wretches hired by those to whom excise is paid!" Thus the public mind being highly sensitive, and easily excited upon the subject, and Walpole, as usual, paying little attention to the power of the press, there was a general ferment against the new scheme, even while its true nature and object remained entirely unknown. Many constituent bodies - amongst them the held meetings and sent instructions citizens of London * Parl. Hist. vol. viii. p. 1203. ર to their members, entreating them to vote against every extension of the Excise Laws, "in any form or on any 66 pretence whatsoever." It was under these unfavourable circumstances, and after several preliminary skirmishes, that Sir Robert, on the 14th of March, disclosed his design in a temperate and masterly speech. He first complained of the common slander, that he had intended to propose a General Excise. "I do most unequivocally 66 assert," said he, "that no such scheme ever entered my head, or, for what I know, the head of any man "I am acquainted with. . . . My thoughts have been "confined solely to the duties on wine and tobacco; and "it was the frequent advices I had of the shameful "frauds committed in these two branches, and the complaints of the merchants themselves, that turned my "attention to a remedy for this growing evil. . . . I "shall, for the present, confine myself entirely to the "tobacco trade." He next proceeded to detail the various frauds on the revenue in this trade- frauds so frequent and so complicated, that while the gross produce of the tax was on an average 750,000l., the net produce was only 160,000l. The remedy he proposed was, stating it briefly, to bring the tobacco duty under the laws of excise, and to effect some improvements in the latter. The same might afterwards be applied to the similar case of the wine duty; and thus would the revenue be increased, at the same time that the fair dealer was protected. A system of warehousing for re-exportation, if desired, was likewise to be instituted, "which will "tend," said the Minister, "to make London a free port, "and, by consequence, the market of the world." By the increase in the revenue the land-tax would no longer be required, and might be altogether abolished. "And "this," added Walpole, " is the scheme which has been "represented in so dreadful and terrible a light - this "the monster, the many-headed monster, which was to "devour the people, and commit such ravages over the "whole nation!" Nor did Walpole fail in his speech to answer or anticipate objections, such as "the increase of revenue of"ficers, which fear, interest, and affectation have mag 66 ..... "nified into a standing army. This standing army, "allowing the proposed addition to extend to tobacco "and wine, will not, according to the estimate of the "commissioners, exceed one hundred and twenty-six persons; that number, in addition to those already "employed, will do all the duty. In this computation, "warehousekeepers are, of course, not included; their "number must be uncertain for the satisfaction and "accommodation of the merchants. . . . . . Another objection is the power of officers to enter and search "houses. This objection could not possibly have any weight without the aid of gross misconception or mis"representation. All warehouses, cellars, shops, and rooms used for keeping, manufacturing, or selling to"bacco are to be entered at the Inland Office. But no "other part of the house is liable to be searched without 66 a warrant and a constable, which warrant is not to be "granted without an affidavit of the cause of suspicion. "The practice of the Customs is now stronger; they can "enter with a writ of assistance without any affidavit."But why all this solicitude in behalf of fraud?”* 66 66 The reader has now before him a slight but I hope a clear outline of the Ministerial measure. It might not be free from all objections, especially in its details, but it seemed to afford, at the very least, a solid foundation for subsequent improvements. To the country gentleman, the abolition of the land-tax was clearly a great boon. To the merchant importer, the turning of the duties on importation into duties on consumption was undoubtedly no less a benefit. The working classes were not at all concerned in the question, since the retailers already sold tobacco at the rate of duty paid. Thus, then, unless we are prepared to say, with Sir William Wyndham, that "in all countries, excises of 66 every kind are looked on as badges of slavery,"† we shall rather join some of the ablest writers on finance of * Walpole's speech is given at length, and from original notes, in Coxe's Memoirs, pp. 385-399. It began at nearly one o'clock, and occupied two hours and a quarter. Mr. Delafaye to Earl Waldegrave, March 15. 1733. † Parl. Hist. vol. viii. p. 1302. later times in approving the main principles and objects of Walpole's scheme.* 66 Far different was the language of the Opposition of the day. In answer to the complaint of previous misinterpretation, Sir John Barnard declared it "such a scheme as cannot, even by malice itself, be represented to be worse than it really is!" Pulteney assailed it with raillery. "It puts me in mind of Sir Ephraim Mammon "in the Alchemist: he was gulled out of his money by "fine promises; he was promised the philosopher's stone, "by which he was to get mountains of gold, and every thing else he could desire, but all ended at last in some "little charm for curing the itch!" The eloquence of Wyndham was more solemn: he thundered against corrupt motives and impending tyranny, and evoked the shades of Empson and Dudley, those two unworthy favourites of old time. "But what," he added, 66 was "their fate? They had the misfortune to outlive their 66 master, and his son, as soon as he came to the throne, "took off both their heads!" no obscure allusion to Frederick Prince of Wales, who was then present under the gallery. On the other hand, Walpole was ably supported by Sir Philip Yorke the Attorney-General, who had already several times shone in debate, and was gradually rising into one of the greatest lawyers and statesmen that this country can boast. He had also the unexpected aid of Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the Rolls, a very indifferent speaker, and somewhat open to ridicule in his dress and deportment, but a man of the highest benevolence and probity. Pope has summed up his character as one who never changed his principle or wig." In his opinions, he had that sort of wavering temper which is sometimes applauded as independence, sometimes censured as indecision, which inclined him alternately to each side, and which made his vote on any impending question utterly uncertain. In this case, he protested that he had come to the House undetermined, but been *See especially Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 358. ed. 1784, and Sinclair's History of the Revenue, part iii. p. 28. |