"land."* The unsettled and lawless state of Ireland, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, may be admitted as a valid excuse for not advancing the work of the Reformation. But after the battle of the Boyne, it ought surely to have been one of the first objects of the Church and of the Government, to afford to the Irish people the means of education, and the choice of the Protestant religion. There was no want of a favourable opening. The Roman Catholic priests, humbled by recent defeats, could not at that period have ventured to withstand the reading of the Scriptures, or the exhortations of the Clergy. Had the Irish peasantry been addressed in the Irish language had the activity of the Establishment been equal to its power those who believe the Protestant religion to be the truth, can scarcely doubt that here, as elsewhere, the truth would have triumphantly prevailed. But unhappily no such measures were taken. It was found more easy to proscribe than to instruct. In 1735 the excellent Bishop Berkeley complains of the "want of "decent churches in towns, and in the country of "able missionaries, persons conversant in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue. Is there any instance," he asks, "of a people's being converted in a Christian sense, otherwise than by preaching to them "and instructing them in their own language?"† Instead of such means, it was attempted to make Protestants by Acts of Parliament. Then came the penal laws, which so long defiled the Statute Book, to the disgrace of one party, as much as to the oppression of the other; and mitigated only by their own extreme violence, which often left them a dead letter. Meanwhile the favourable opportunity passed away; and, before a better spirit came, the Roman Catholic priests had recovered from their depression, and the peasantry been stung into a sense of resentment. Wesley himself made little progress in Ireland. The people, indeed, he describes as most ready to hear: "they are," he says, "in general of a more teachable spirit than in most parts of Eng 66 66 66 66 * Journal, August 15. 1747. In another part of his Works (vol. xv. p. 209.), he says, "In many parts of Ireland there are still ten, "nay fifteen, perhaps upwards of twenty, Papists to one Protestant." † Bishop Berkeley's Works vol. ii. p. 381. and 396. ed. 1784 "land;" and again, "their hearts seem to be as melting 86 66 wax. But the priests, finding that he was not only unsupported, but opposed by the ruling powers, took courage and exerted their authority to prevent his being heard. At Athlone, he tells us, May 7. 1749: "Abun"dance of Papists flocked to hear, so that the priest, seeing his command did not avail, came in person and "drove them away before him like a flock of sheep." The same thing occurred in other places. A ridiculous by-word also (they were called Swaddlers) tended to prevent the progress of the Methodists; for, it may be observed, that, with the multitude, a nickname is far more effectual than an argument. The origin of this appellation is thus related by Wesley. "Swaddler was a 66 66 name given to Mr. Cennick first, by a Popish priest, "who heard him speak of a child wrapped in swaddling clothes, and probably did not know the expression was "in the Bible, a book he was not much acquainted " with!"† Wesley was now travelling from county to county, and from town to town, everywhere preaching and gaining proselytes. No where did he attract more attention than at his own birthplace of Epworth. He applied to the curate for the use of the pulpit - his father's for forty years he was refused, and, attending the service, he heard, with great composure, a sermon against the evils of enthusiasm. But as the congregation were separating, they were informed that Mr. Wesley, having been denied the church, intended to preach that evening in the churchyard. There he accordingly appeared, and there, standing upon his father's grave, he delivered a most affecting discourse. Every eye was moistened, every heart was moved. One gentleman, who had not attended any public worship for thirty years, but was led by curiosity to hear Wesley at Epworth, was at once reclaimed from irreligion during the remainder of his life. In other places, also, the same good seed was sown. An affecting story is told, for example, of one poor woman who was saved from *Wesley's Journal, August 17. 1747, and May 30. 1749. † Journal, May 25. 1750. Compare Wesley's Journal, June 12. 1742 (his sixth day at Epworth), and April 17. 1752. suicide, for, when already on her way to throw herself into the river, she was attracted by the sounds of a Methodist meeting, and, entering in, heard the words of hope and consolation. But the effect of Wesley's preaching was by no means uniform, nor all for good. While some minds were awakened to repentance, others were spurred into frenzy. While some began to look upon religion as their rule and guide in worldly business, others viewed it as an ecstasy that should supersede worldly business altogether. 66 66 It may be observed, however, that many persons joined the Methodists in a first impulse, and afterwards left them. When Wesley came to Newcastle, in March, 1743, he found that, since the end of last December, seventy-six persons had left the society, and he took the pains to ascertain the motives of each. Fourteen of them (chiefly Dissenters) said they left it, "because, otherwise, their "Ministers would not give them the Sacrament; " nine more, "because their husbands, or wives, were not willing they should stay in it; " twelve, "because their parents were not willing;" five, "because their master " or mistress would not let them come; seven, "because "their acquaintance persuaded them to leave it;" five, "because people said such bad things of the society; nine, "because they would not be laughed at;” three, "because they would not lose the poor allowance; three more, "because they could not spare time to come;" two, "because it was so far off; one, I because she was "afraid of falling into fits; 66 one, because people were "so rude in the street; two," because Thomas Naisbit was in the society;" one, "because he would not turn "his back on his baptism;" one, "because the Method"ists were mere Church of England men;" and one, "because it was time enough to serve God yet." Another person, a gentleman, whom Wesley met a few days after in the streets, said, with much earnestness, that he would come and hear him, only he was afraid that Wesley should say something against cockfighting! 66 66 Wesley's Journal, March 12, 1743. It was a Scotchman that objected to the "mere Church of England men." This is stated July 25. 1756, -A lamentable array of motives for relinquishing a religious persuasion! But were the reasons of those who joined it always so much better? That very many persons were drawn to Wesley by a pious and Christian impulse is undeniable. But it can scarcely be doubted that a love of novelty and the strangeness of field-preaching were the magnets that attracted many others. Wherever curiosity was not kept alive by frequent changes of preachers, or wherever preaching in the open air was superseded by meeting-houses, the excitement flagged, and the society declined. The latter observation may be confirmed by the testimony of Wesley himself. He writes at Whitehaven, June 24. 1764: "The want of field-preaching has been one cause of "deadness here; I do not find any great increase of the "work of God without it. If ever this is laid aside, I expect the whole work will gradually die away." Thus also he writes from Cardiff: "I found the society in as "ruinous a condition as the Castle."* 66 Love of novelty is a feeling that always acts most strongly on the least cultivated minds, and it was among these that Wesley found his first and most willing followers. During several years, the Methodists were almost entirely confined to the poorer classes; and this appears not merely from Wesley's own declaration, but still more, perhaps, from the bitterness with which the earlier portion of his Journal sometimes alludes to persons of education and affluence. Thus, for instance, he says, in 1738," She with whom we were was so much of a gen"tlewoman, that for near an hour our labour seemed to "be in vain." And again, next year, "A fine lady un66 expectedly coming in, there was scarce room for me to "speak."† 66 To every part of the kingdom were Wesley's labours * Journal, August 28. 1763. † Journal, March 18. 1738, and September 6. 1739. Whitefield seems to have had more success among the higher classes. He writes from Scotland, "I am intimate with three noblemen and several ladies of quality, who have a great liking for the things of God. I am now writing from an Earl's house," &c. Yet Horace Walpole says sarcastically, that "Whitefield's largest crop of proselytes lay among servant-maids!" (Memoirs of George the Second, vol. ii. p. 282.) 66 66 extended. The bleakest summits of the Northumbrian moors, or the inmost depths of the Cornish mines, the most tumultuous city, or the most unfrequented hamlet, were equally the scenes of his pilgrimage and preaching. Danger he fearlessly braved, insult he patiently endured. On one occasion, at Wednesbury, his life was threatened with brutal violence, and he would hardly have escaped had not his gentleness turned some of his assailants into his defenders. In other places the rudeness of the mob took a less serious turn; preachers were plunged into the water, or daubed over with paint. Sometimes the Methodists were brought before a magistrate, but seldom could any legal offence be laid at their door.* Charles Wesley was once accused of treasonable words, and of abetting the Pretender, because he had prayed, in allusion to sinners, that the Lord would call home his banished ones. John was often hooted at as a Papist; while one man, more learned than the rest, called him a " Presby"terian Papist," a happy combination of terms! and an opinion which seemed so reasonable, that all the people present, as we are told, were brought round to it!t Charges such as these were not very difficult to answer. Yet it may be observed, that the Wesleys seem, in early life at least, to have had some leaning to the exiled family; for we find Charles writing home, in 1734, from Oxford, My brother has been much mauled, and threatened 'more, for his Jacobite sermon on the 11th of June." It appears that another of the brothers was in correspondence with Atterbury during his exile.‡ 66 66 66 A more solemn accusation might have been brought *Wesley departs from his usual gravity, to relate how once a whole waggon-load of these new "heretics" were carried before Mr. S., a Justice of the peace, near Epworth. But when there, no accusation was made. At length an old man stood forward: "An't please your Worship, they have convarted my wife. Till she went 66 'among them, she had such a tongue! And now she is as quiet as a lamb!". "Carry them back, carry them back," said the Justice, "and let them convert all the scolds in the town." (Journal, June 9. 1742.) Yet Wesley's own married life, some years afterwards, may prove, that the Methodists had not always a specific in these cases. 66 † Journal, October 30. 1743. Atterbury's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 419, &c. |