France.* Walpole was far too wise a statesman to allow the French, under any pretext, a footing in the Netherlands. He knew, as was emphatically said many years afterwards by an American Minister in London, that "if ever France should acquire the dominion of Flanders, "having at the same time a good constitution, the consequence of this island is gone."† 66 66 În December, the King began his journey to England; and landed at Rye after a most violent tempest, which exposed him to considerable danger. The engagements he had lately concluded produced the principal, indeed the only important, debates of the ensuing Session; their policy was severely arraigned by Pulteney, Shippen, and Lord Lechmere; but ably defended by Townshend and the two Walpoles, and supported by large majorities in both Houses. The funds also, which, on the apprehension of war, had fallen 12 or 14 per cent.‡, gradually recovered from their depression. * Lord Townshend to Horace Walpole, August 27. 1725. + Gouverneur Morris's Letters to President Washington, August 30. 1790. See Mr. Barnard's Speech, Feb. 9. 1726. (Parl. Hist. vol. viii. p. 502.) 66 66 CHAPTER XIV. WHILE such engagements were concluded at Hanover, and confirmed in London, the little Court of the Pretender was full of expectation and scheming. "I have had for some time reason to hope," writes James to one of his Scottish adherents, "that the Emperor will soon espouse my restoration in a very particular manner. You will "allow it is no easy matter to persuade a foreign prince "of the facilities he would find in such an attempt. "Therefore I proposed to the Emperor, to send a Minister "privately to England, to take information there of the "good disposition of my subjects, and I have reason to "believe that he will send one soon."* A secret mission of this kind would, however, have been so liable to suspicion and discovery, that the inquiry was relinquished, or rather left to be the private object of a public embassy. But James, on his part, sent over one of his most trusty followers, Allan Cameron, to visit the Highlands, and prepare them for a rising. This agent found there a curious combination of zeal and caution; for example, among the Gordons it was already arranged, that the Duke should stay at home in the next insurrection and secure the estate, while the Earl of Aboyne, as next man of the family, should head the clan.† The principles of the Highlanders were still unchanged, and their spirit unbroken. In vain had the Act for the Encouragement of Loyalty in Scotland, brought in by Stanhope in 1715, and commonly called the Clan Act, endeavoured to dissolve their bond of feudal union, by providing, that whenever a vassal took arms in any rebellion, his property was to devolve upon his liege lord if he remained quiet; and on the other hand, that a loyal vassabwas to receive the freehold of his lands from a rebellious lord. In vain, also, *To Mr. Lockhart, Feb. 2. 1726. Lockhart Papers. had there passed in the very last Session, an Act for disarming the Highlanders. There was indeed a simulated surrender of arms to General Wade; but in fact none but old rusty firelocks, and other unserviceable weapons, were yielded by the disaffected clans, while the few welldisposed gave all, so that, in 1745, the latter were found defenceless, and the first prepared.* General Wade, who had been sent into Scotland with very full powers, seems to have been a judicious and conciliatory man, insomuch that he became personally popular, even whilst faithfully obeying most distasteful orders. He employed himself more usefully in making military roads across the Highlands, but these (such is the capriciousness of fame !) are perhaps less remembered for the solid advantage, than for the silly panegyric, they produced.† From the North, Allan Cameron proceeded to Edinburgh, to confer with the Duke of Hamilton, Mr. Lockhart, and the other managers or "trustees" of James in the south of Scotland; for it is very remarkable how slight and casual were then the communications between the Highlands and Lowlands, and how little the Chiefs in one quarter knew what was passing in the other. Though attainted, Cameron remained for some time at Edinburgh, and ventured to frequent the most public taverns, observing only a new and convivial plan for his security. "All "his caution," writes Lockhart, "consisted in outsitting "all other companies at the same tavern, so that he was "safe going home!" Cameron was assured, that James's party had not fallen off in numbers or in zeal, and that the people at large were ripe for another attempt. But it was added, that this attempt could never promise success unless made with a foreign force; that such a force ought to land in England, and the nearer London the better; and that nothing should, or need be expected from Scotland, except a diversion, to prevent the troops * See an article ascribed to Sir Walter Scott, Quart. Rev. No. xxviii. p. 322, &c. † I allude to the well-known couplet: "Had you but seen these roads, before they were made, "You'd have lifted up your eyes, and blessed General Wade!" To Lord Inverness, June 9. 1726. stationed there from being called to England, or to intercept them if they marched. With this view a smaller division of foreign troops would be useful in Scotland; and it was recommended, that if sufficiently strong to stand against the regular forces, they should land to the south of the Forth; but if too weak, they should be set on shore in the Highlands, so as to be quickly joined by the clans. The "aversion to the Union," it was also said, "daily increases, and that is the handle by which "Scotsmen will be incited to make a general and zealous "appearance." ""* Almost every Court in Europe now became the scene of negotiations on the part of James. Bishop Atterbury was his ablest, and not his least active partisan: on his first landing, he had gone to Brussels; but had afterwards proceeded to Paris, where he managed the Pretender's business, although so covertly, that his friends in England were still able to deny his Jacobite connections. In his own words to James, "I obey all your commands, as far as my sad state of health, and the "recluse and solitary life I am obliged to lead, have "enabled me. I do my best; and what is wanting in "abilities, endeavour to make up by my prayers for your "prosperity and happiness." There was little to be done with the ruling French Ministers, but a large field for intrigue with the statesmen out of power, and the party attached to the maxims of Louis the Fourteenth. Lord Mar was also at Paris, but no longer in James's confidence. For some time after the return from Scotland, he had been James's sole favourite; all business passed through his hands, or was entrusted to his creatures; and those that would not truckle to him were represented as factious and humoursome, and opposing their Prince's just authority. Not a few faithful old servants consequently retired from James's Court in disgust. But in passing through Geneva in 1719, under a feigned name, Mar was suddenly arrested by that Republic, and detained a prisoner, out of complaisance to the English Ministers; this led to some overtures with *Mr. Lockhart to James, December 18. 1725. † Bishop Atterbury to James, June 25. 1725. Appendix. 66 66 his personal friend Lord Stair, then ambassador at Paris; and finding the Jacobite cause baffled and declining, he was not unwilling to stoop for favours to the Government of George. "In my humble opinion," writes Stair, "the taking him off will be the greatest blow that can be "given to the Pretender's interest; and it may be made use of to show to the world, that nobody but a Papist ""* can hope to continue in favour with him." The Government would not go the length that Stair desired; but Mar was allowed a pension out of his forfeited estates; and the estates, by a simulated sale, were suffered to revert to his family. Such, however, was the crooked temper of this man, that he endeavoured to seem equally a friend to each side; he has been accused of revealing the secrets of his master; and, at all events, it is certain, that, while professing his sorrow to King George, he wished still to be esteemed a Jacobite at Rome. applied for and obtained James's permission to receive the indulgence of the English Government; and when he found that he could gain no more favours from the latter, endeavoured again to conduct the business of the former. He caballed with Lord Lansdowne at Paris, and with some of his former friends from Scotland. But so far was he from recovering James's favour, that this Prince, like all weak men, ran into the opposite extreme, and looked with coldness and distrust on many of his most faithful followers, on account of their personal intimacy with Mar, even where that intimacy had been formed by his own direction, or resulted from his own partiality.† He A feeble mind, however, can never stand alone; it requires a director as much as a creeping plant does a stake; and James immediately transferred his unbounded confidence to Colonel John Hay, brother of Lord Kinnoul, whom, in 1725, he declared his Secretary of State and Earl of Inverness. Next in favour came James Murray, son of Lord Stormont, and brother of Hay's wife; he was at this time likewise made Governor of the *To Secretary Craggs, May 29. 1719. See the Hardwicke State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 561-600. Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 178. 201, &c. Atterbury's Letters to James, in the Appendix, &c. |