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Prince, and Earl of Dunbar. This triumvirate, then the two Hays and Murray ruled everything at the little Court of James, and raised much dissatisfaction amongst his partisans. Inverness, according to a most respectable authority, "was a cunning, false, avaricious creature, of very ordinary parts, cultivated by no sort "of literature, and altogether void of experience in "business; with insolence prevailing often over his "little stock of prudence. The lady was a mere co"quette, tolerably handsome, but withal prodigiously “ vain and arrogant."* Of Dunbar it is admitted, that the character stood far higher; he was brother of William Murray, afterwards Earl of Mansfield, and like that brother had talents of the highest order, and well suited for public affairs, but he was injured at this time by his connection with the Hays.

The Pretender himself, though a mild, good-natured, and well-meaning man, was still a Stuart, and not free from the especial curse of that race; when once prepossessed by any favourites, however worthless, he would see and hear nothing to their discredit, and considered all remonstrances against them as insults to himself. It was not long before his titular Queen, Clementina, a Princess of high spirit and blameless character, began to complain of the intolerable insolence with which she was treated by Inverness and his wife. Finding that she could obtain no belief or redress against them, she next applied to her husband's religious scruples, by lamenting that the Prince's Governor, Dunbar, should be a Protestant. Nay, more, she urged the same objection against Inverness, as Minister, and was foolish enough to use an expression which James, with still more signal folly, afterwards published to the world: "If he have not true "faith to God, can he be truly faithful to his master?"† She declared that she would not live with her husband unless Inverness were removed; and at length, on the 15th of November, fulfilled her threat by leaving James's palace, and retiring to the Convent of St. Cecilia, at

* Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 340.

"In answer to what I say of Lord Inverness's fidelity she puts me "the question, 'S'il est infidèle à Dieu, sera-t-il fidèle à son maître ?"" Circular letter of James, dated March 2, 1726.

Rome. Her principal adviser was the veteran, and now unemployed, intriguer, Alberoni; one morning that ambitious priest was six hours and a half together, at her Convent.*

Many explanatory letters and memorials were soon handed about on the part of James or of Clementina; he complained of her temper†, she of his obstinacy; but it is very strange, that in this case the most voluminous flow of explanation and recrimination was not on the lady's side!

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These mazes of conflicting statements would be difficult to pierce, and might wholly shut out the truth from us, did we not find a trusty guide in Lockhart of Carnwath. It is impossible to read the Memoirs and Letters of that gentleman without high respect and confidence in his character. A Jacobite from most conscientious principle always pursuing what he thought the right, through good report and ill report - always telling the truth without fear or favour - he at last offended the Court of James by his frankness as much as the Court of George by his exertions. "It was," he tells us, com"monly reported and believed, that Lady Inverness was "the King's mistress, and that the Queen's jealousy was "the cause of the rupture; but I have been often "assured, by persons on whom I may depend, that "whilst they lived with the King they could observe "nothing in him tending that way, and did verily be"lieve there was nothing of that in the matter." in fact, do Clementina's own letters seem to speak of jealousy. But, with the same equal hand, does Lockhart proceed to condemn the intriguing character of Inver

Nor,

*Circular letter, March 2. 1726, and to the Duke of Ripperda, December 7. 1725.

"Vous ne pouvez que vous souvenir avec quelle patience j'ai "souffert vos bouderies depuis plus de deux ans, et que dans le temps "où vous vouliez à peine me parler ou me regarder, je n'ai pris autre "parti que celui du silence." - James to Clementina, November 11. 1725. Yet Montaigne might have taught him that "ceulx qui ont à "négocier avec des femmes testues peuvent avoir essayé à quelle rage on les jecte quand on oppose leur agitation le silence et la "froideur, et qu'on desdaigne de nourrir leur courroux." Essais, livre ii. ch. 31.

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Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 340.

ness, and the weak partiality of his master. He observes, that this obstinate devotion to favourites, seeming to grow in proportion to the complaints which they provoked, did the Jacobite cause incalculable evil, both at home and abroad. At Vienna, the Emperor, whose House was allied to that of Sobieski, was highly displeased at the treatment of his kinswoman. At Madrid, the Queen of Spain, as appears from the Stuart Papers, considered the privileges of her sex as invaded, and resented it with the utmost indignation.* Thus, at this important crisis,

did James give personal offence to the two Sovereigns on whose aid all his hopes depended. He endeavoured to blind his British partisans as to the mischief done abroad †, but he could not so easily conceal from them the ill effects which they had before their eyes. "Your

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trustees," answers Lockhart, are glad to hear from so good an authority as yourself (without which they "would scarce have credited it), that this affair is not likely to produce any bad consequences on your affairs abroad, but it is with the greatest concern that they see "quite the contrary at home; and therefore are obliged, by the duty they owe you, in plain words to tell you, "that, so far as their observations and intelligence "reaches, they apprehend it is the severest stroke your "affairs have got these many years, and will be such an "impediment to them, that they have much reason to "think no circumstance of time, no situation of the "affairs of Europe, can make amends; which thought "affects them the more that they perceive you have expectations that something will soon cast up in your 'favour, and it is a very mortifying reflection that such an opportunity should be frustrated. They beg leave, "with the greatest respect and submission, to represent "that they believe this point to be of such consequence “to you, that, in good policy and prudence, you should "rather pass by some failings in, and make some con"descensions to the Queen, than not repair a breach that "in all appearance will prove fatal. They have seriously

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Duke of Wharton to James, Madrid, April 13. 1726. Appendix. Toe King of Spain withdrew his pension from James. William Stanhope to the Duke of Newcastle, February 11. 1726.

Letter of James, May 1. 1726.

"considered how to put such a face upon it as may be "most for your service; but cannot find any expedient "so probable as not to revive and bring the matter upon "the carpet, for your people here, of all kinds, have got "such an impression of the Queen's great merit, and are so prepossessed with the reports of her being ill used by some about you, that it is in vain to attempt dispossessing them of that notion. . . ... May God Almighty direct you in this, perhaps, the most critical step of your life!"*

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There was also another incident, soon afterwards, that did infinite disservice to James's cause in England. Lord North and the Duke of Wharton had lately gone abroad, and openly attached themselves to the Pretender's party, and now, each separately, renounced the Protestant and embraced the Roman Catholic faith. This led to a general belief in England, that their motive was only to please their new master; and that there was no such sure road to his confidence as by professing his religion. The odium of such a rumour amongst a Protestant people need not be explained, and could not be exaggerated. Wharton, especially, was well known to be no Christian of any Church, nor ever in his life suspected of a conscience. We may observe, however, that neither to him, nor to Lord North, did any benefit accrue from their conversion. North found himself so little trusted and regarded at the Jacobite Court, that, in disgust, he entered the Spanish service, and continued in it till his death, in 1734. Wharton, even before his change of religion, had been received with the highest favour at Rome he obtained from the English mock-monarch the order of the Garter, and the ducal titles of Wharton and Northumberland, and was sent ambassador to Spain, to assist Ormond in pressing for an expedition, and to vindicate the late separation in the Pretender's family. James had not yet discovered that this wayward and capricious man was always far more dangerous to his friends than to his enemies: and that his talents served only to render his frailties more conspicuous and more despised.

* Mr. Lockhart to James, July 23. 1726. He writes in the name of all James's "Trustees" in Scotland.

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On arriving at Madrid, in April 1726, Wharton soon began the usual complaints of all those who negotiate with the Spaniards. "I see the Duke of Ormond has "been very active here; but nobody that has not been "something conversant with this Court can imagine how impracticable it is to do business." * He found, as he says, the King and Queen "implacable" in the affair of James's consort. His own behaviour at Madrid was most strange and indiscreet. According to Mr. Keene, then British consul, “the Duke of Wharton has not been "sober, or scarce had a pipe out of his mouth, since he came back from his expedition to St. Hildefonso. On Tuesday last I had some company with me that he "wanted to speak with, upon which he came directly "into the room, made his compliments, and placed him"self by me. I did not think myself obliged to turn out "his star and garter; because, as he is an everlasting "talker and tippler, in all probability he might lavish out "something that might be of use to know..... He de"clared himself the Pretender's prime minister, and Duke "of Wharton and Northumberland. . . . . Says he, 'You "will shortly see the event; it is in my power to make

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your stocks fall as I think fit; my dear master is now "in a post-chaise, but the place he designs for I shall "not tell you. . . . . Hitherto my master's interest has "been managed by the Duchess of Perth, and three or "four other old women, who meet under the portal of "St. Germain's; he wanted a Whig, and a brisk one, to 66 6 'put them in the right train, and I am the man! You "may now look upon me, Sir Philip Wharton, Knight "of the Garter, and Sir Robert Walpole, Knight of the "Bath, running a course, and, by Heaven, he shall be "hard pressed! He bought my family pictures, but they will not be long in his possession; that account "is still open; neither he, nor King George, shall be "six months at ease as long as I have the honour to serve "in the employ I am in!' He mentioned great things "from Muscovy, and talked so much nonsense and con"tradictions, that it was neither worth my while to remember, nor yours to read them. I used him very

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* Duke of Wharton to James, April 13. 1726. Appendix.