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stationed there from being called to England, or to intercept them if they marched. With this view a smaller division of foreign troops would be useful in Scotland; and it was recommended, that if sufficiently strong to stand against the regular forces, they should land to the south of the Forth ; but if too weak, they should be set on shore in the Highlands, so as to be quickly joined by the clans. The “aversion to the Union,” it was also said, “ daily increases, and that is the handle by which “ Scotsmen will be incited to make a general and zealous " appearance.”*
Almost every Court in Europe now became the scene of negotiations on the part of James. Bishop Atterbury was his ablest, and not his least active partisan : on his first landing, he had gone to Brussels; but had afterwards proceeded to Paris, where he managed the Pretender's business, although so covertly, that his friends in England were still able to deny his Jacobite connections. In his own words to James, “I obey all your
commands, as far as my sad state of health, and the “ recluse and solitary life I am obliged to lead, have “ enabled me. I do my best; and what is wanting in
abilities, endeavour to make up by my prayers for your
prosperity and happiness.” † There was little to be done with the ruling French Ministers, but a large field for intrigue with the statesmen out of power, and the party attached to the maxims of Louis the Fourteenth. Lord Mar was also at Paris, but no longer in James's confidence. For some time after the return from Scotland, he had been James's sole favourite; all business passed through his hands, or was entrusted to his creatures; and those that would not truckle to him were represented as factious and humoursome, and opposing their Prince's just authority. Not a few faithful old servants consequently retired from James's Court in disgust. But in passing through Geneva in 1719, under a feigned name, Mar was suddenly arrested by that Republic, and detained a prisoner, out of complaisance to the English Ministers; this led to some overtures with
* Mr. Lockhart to James, December 18. 1725.
his personal friend Lord Stair, then ambassador at Paris; and finding the Jacobite cause baffled and declining, he was not unwilling to stoop for favours to the Government of George. “In my humble opinion,” writes Stair, “the taking him off will be the greatest blow that can be "given to the Pretender's interest; and it may be made use of to show to the world, that nobody but a Papist
can hope to continue in favour with him.' The Government would not go the length that Stair desired; but Mar was allowed a pension out of his forfeited estates; and the estates, by a simulated sale, were suffered to revert to his family. Such, however, was the crooked temper of this man, that he endeavoured to seem equally a friend to each side ; he has been accused of revealing the secrets of his master; and, at all events, it is certain, that, while professing his sorrow to King George, he wished still to be esteemed a Jacobite at Rome. He applied for and obtained James's permission to receive the indulgence of the English Government; and when he found that he could gain no more favours from the latter, endeavoured again to conduct the business of the former. He caballed with Lord Lansdowne at Paris, and with some of his former friends from Scotland. But so far was he from recovering James's favour, that this Prince, like all weak men, ran into the opposite extreme, and looked with coldness and distrust on many of his most faithful followers, on account of their personal intimacy with Mar, even where that intimacy had been formed by his own direction, or resulted from his own partiality.t
A feeble mind, however, can never stand alone ; it requires a director as much as a creeping plant does a stake; and James immediately transferred his unbounded confidence to Colonel John Hay, brother of Lord Kinnoul, whom, in 1725, he declared his Secretary of State and Earl of Inverness. Next in favour came James Murray, son of Lord Stormont, and brother of Hay's wife; he was at this time likewise made Governor of the
* To Secretary Craggs, May 29. 1719.
+ See the Hardwicke State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 5614-600. Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 178. 201, &c. Atterbury's Letters to James, in the Appendix, &c.
Prince, and Earl of Dunbar. This triumvirate, then the two Hays and Murray - ruled everything at the little Court of James, and raised much dissatisfaction amongst his partisans. Inverness, according to a most respectable authority, “was a cunning, false, avaricious
creature, of very ordinary parts, cultivated by no sort “ of literature, and altogether void of experience in “ business ; with insolence prevailing often over his “ little stock of prudence. The lady was a mere co
quette, tolerably handsome, but withal prodigiously “ vain and arrogant."* Of Dunbar it is admitted, that the character stood far higher ; he was brother of William Murray, afterwards Earl of Mansfield, and like that brother had talents of the highest order, and well suited for public affairs, but he was injured at this time by his connection with the Hays.
The Pretender himself, though a mild, good-natured, and well-meaning man, was still a Stuart, and not free from the especial curse of that race; when once prepossessed by any favourites, however worthless, he would see and hear nothing to their discredit, and considered all remonstrances against them as insults to himself. It was not long before his titular Queen, Clementina, a Princess of high spirit and blameless character, began to complain of the intolerable insolence with which she was treated by Inverness and his wife. Finding that she could obtain no belief or redress against them, she next applied to her husband's religious scruples, by lamenting that the Prince's Governor, Dunbar, should be a Protestant. Nay, more, she urged the same objection against Inverness, as Minister, and was foolish enough to use an expression which James, with still more signal folly, afterwards published to the world : “ If he have not true “ faith to God, can he be truly faithful to his master ?” + She declared that she would not live with her husband unless Inverness were removed ; and at length, on the 15th of November, fulfilled her threat by leaving James's palace, and retiring to the Convent of St. Cecilia, at
* Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 340.
t “ In answer to what I say of Lord Inverness's fidelity she puts me "the question, “S'il est infidèle à Dieu, sera-t-il fidèle à son maître ?!” Circular letter of James, dated March 2, 1726.
Rome. Her principal adviser was the veteran, and now unemployed, intriguer, Alberoni; one morning that ambitious priest was six hours and a half together, at her Convent.*
Many explanatory letters and memorials were soon handed about on the part of James or of Clementina; he complained of her tempert, she of his obstinacy; but it is very strange, that in this case the most voluminous flow of explanation and recrimination was not on the lady's side!
These mazes of conflicting statements would be difficult to pierce, and might wholly shut out the truth from us, did we not find a trusty guide in Lockhart of Carnwath. It is impossible to read the Memoirs and Letters of that gentleman without high respect and confidence in his character. A Jacobite from most conscientious principle — always pursuing what he thought the right, through good report and ill report -- always telling the truth without fear or favour - he at last offended the Court of James by his frankness as much as the Court of George by his exertions. “It was,” he tells us, “monly reported and believed, that Lady Inverness was “ the King's mistress, and that the Queen's jealousy was “ the cause of the rupture; but I have been often “ assured, by persons on whom I may depend, that “ whilst they lived with the King they could observe
nothing in him tending that way, and did verily be“ lieve there was nothing of that in the matter.”I Nor, in fact, do Clementina's own letters seem to speak of jealousy. But, with the same equal hand, does Lockhart proceed to condemn the intriguing character of Inver
* Circular letter, March 2. 1726, and to the Duke of Ripperda, December 7. 1725.
† “ Vous ne pouvez que vous souvenir avec quelle patience j'ai “ souffert vos bouderies depuis plus de deux ans, et que dans le temps “ où vous vouliez à peine me parler ou me regarder, je n'ai pris autre "parti que celui du silence.” - James to Clementina, November 11, 1725. Yet Montaigne might have taught him that “ ceulx qui ont à "négocier avec des femmes testues peuvent avoir essayé à quelle “rage on les jecte quand on oppose à leur agitation le silence et la " froideur, et qu'on desdaigne de nourrir leur courroux." Essais, livre ii. ch. 31.
# Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 340.
ness, and the weak partiality of his master. He observes, that this obstinate devotion to favourites, seeming to grow in proportion to the complaints which they provoked, did the Jacobite cause incalculable evil, both at home and abroad. At Vienna, the Emperor, whose House was allied to that of Sobieski, was highly displeased at the treatment of his kinswoman. At Madrid, the Queen of Spain, as appears from the Stuart Papers, considered the privileges of her sex as invaded, and resented it with the utmost indignation.* Thus, at this important crisis, did James give personal offence to the two Sovereigns on whose aid all his hopes depended. He endeavoured to blind his British partisans as to the mischief done abroad t, but he could not so easily conceal from them the ill effects which they had before their eyes. “ Your
trustees,” answers Lockhart, are glad to hear from so
good an authority as yourself (without which they “ would scarce have credited it), that this affair is not “ likely to produce any bad consequences on your affairs
abroad, but it is with the greatest concern that they see “ quite the contrary at home; and therefore are obliged, “ by the duty they owe you, in plain words to tell you, " that, so far as their observations and intelligence “ reaches, they apprehend it is the severest stroke your
affairs have got these many years, and will be such an
impediment to them, that they have much reason to “ think no circumstance of time, no situation of the “affairs of Europe, can make amends; which thought “ affects them the more that they perceive you have ex
pectations that something will soon cast up in your “ favour, and it is a very mortifying reflection that such
an opportunity should be frustrated. They beg leave, “ with the greatest respect and submission, to represent “ that they believe this point to be of such consequence
to you, that, in good policy and prudence, you should “ rather pass by some failings in, and make some con“ descensions to the Queen, than not repair a breach that “ in all appearance will prove fatal. They have seriously
• Duke of Wharton to James, Madrid, April 13. 1726. Appendix. Toe King of Spain withdrew his pension from James. William Stanhope to the Duke of Newcastle, February 11. 1726.
† Letter of James, May 1. 1726.