thing happen from abroad that might make it advisable for them to exert their resentments.

This is the very truth of the matter, and methinks if it were well understood might induce those who only can make effectual advantage of the juncture, and whose interest it is so to do, not to neglect it. Earl Strafford has accounts of this kind from another hand, at least it was promised he should have them, and if he has will be able to explain this matter and set it in a much fuller light than can be done in the bounds of a letter.

EARL OF ORRERY TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

May 15. 1720.

YOUR commands to Mr. Fleetwood (Earl of Arran), Mr. Nixon (Earl of Oxford), and Mr. Dyer (Mr. Cæsar) shall be obeyed, and I am glad I have the best authority to say, where I shall find it proper, that Mons. Schtclief (James) has no dealings directly or indirectly with Messrs. Benn and Board (Stanhope and Sunderland). I look upon them both to be as inveterately averse to Benjamin's (James's) interest as the Mr. Tolanders (Walpolians) or any others, and therefore I have always thought it wrong to make any distinction between them as to that matter, and have lamented the imprudence of those that have endeavoured to propagate a tolerable good opinion among Benjamin's (James's) friends of either Messrs. Benn and Board )Stanhope and Snuderland).

JAMES TO THE EARL OF OXFORD.

(Extract.)

May 20. 1720.

As to affairs in general I have nothing new at this time to impart to you, the occasion of my writing this being only to ask your advice as to what is fit for me to

do on the Queen's lying in, as to which I think I should equally avoid either neglect or affectation.

Every country has their different customs and uses on such occasions, and those of England should certainly be my rule in as much as my circumstances may make it possible for me to follow them. I wish therefore you would let me know what those customs are, for if on my birth and that of my sister Louis a particular reasons obliged my father and mother to overdo something, the present case is so different that those instances do not seem to be a precedent for me. After this, what I think may be reasonable for me to do is that such of my subjects, men and women, as are here depending on me should be present at the labour with some of the first rank of this town and such of the foreign ministers as will accept of my invitation; but then as to any of my subjects as may be travelling here and are either no wellwishers or not my declared friends, the question is whether for form's sake they should be invited, though for different reasons they

cannot come.

BISHOP ATTERBURY TO GENERAL DILLON.

Oct. 22. 1720.

MR. ILLINGTON (himself) has been long confined to the country by his illness, and has no opportunity of advising with friends till he gets to town, which will be before the end of next week; in the mean time he highly approves of the printed paper, and hopes some way or other it will be made public. As to what is proposed he dares not of himself advise anything, but is afraid the time is lost for any attempt that shall not be of force sufficient to encourage the people to come into it. The losers in this game are under expectations of having their losses made up to them in the approaching Session, and will not plunge hastily into any mad hazardous scheme at this juncture, nor perhaps till they begin to despair. Relief cannot possibly come till some time after the Parliament has met, and then the hopes of the disaffected will be kept some time in suspense, and while they have

any such hopes they will not run any great risks; and an unsuccessful attempt ruins the game for many years, and certainly ends in the union of the father and son, and of the whole Whig interest to support them. The South

Sea project which friends have unwarily run into, as, if it stood and flourished it would certainly have produced a commonwealth, so now it has failed has not wrought up the disaffection of the people to such a pitch but that they have still some hopes left of retrieving their affairs, and while they have so will not be ripe for any great venture; nor can it be yet seen, whether the grand affair can wisely be pushed, till the time of new choosing a Parliament next year, unless the forces to be sent were in much greater quantities than is proposed, or could come hither sooner than it is apprehended they possibly can: but of this more after advising with others; at present this is the private sentiment only of a single person, who, if he alters his opinion upon comparing it with that of others, will not fail to give you speedy notice of it.

MR. CÆSAR TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

February 28. 1721.

EARL SUNDERLAND has been forced to take in Townshend and Walpole to his assistance, but as he will not give up all into their hands, and they will not be contented without having the disposal of every thing, there is not any prospect of their acting with harmony together. The death of Stanhope will, I believe, embarrass the Court very much in regard to foreign affairs; the whole secret was between him and Abbé Dubois, which I am informed dies with him. I humbly submit it to your consideration whether, at this juncture, attempts should not be made to gain him (Dubois) to your interest. The Tories have been offered carteblanche if they would heartily come in to support the present government, but they will not hearken to any offers but what shall be for your Restoration.

JAMES TO MR. MENZIES.

Rome, July 20. 1721.

YOUR letter relating to Lord Sunderland is very satisfactory; that affair seems to be in a good way, and in so good hands that there is nothing to be recommended but the continuance of the same prudent and zealous management.

EARL OF ORRERY TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

October 28. 1721.

THE expectations of your friends to have a new Parliament this winter by the interest of the Earl of Sunderland were disappointed. About the latter end of the last Session he gave us reason to believe he should carry that point, which we thought the most material of any that it was proper at that season to ask: he now says, as I hear, that the Elector of Hanover was worked up into such an aversion against it by others belonging to the Ministry, and by the Germans about him, that he did not think it fit to push the matter too far, but gave way, and by that means got the other Ministers to declare openly that they would not think of prolonging this Parliament by a new law, but would contribute all in their power to have the present Session short, and then would have a new Parliament. This is the substance of the apology he makes, as I am informed; and he pretends still to be a wellwisher to the Tories, who cannot but be a little shocked with this disappointment.

I should be very glad if any one would assist the cause with a constant supply of money, which is continually wanted for several purposes, for intelligence abroad, which we are very deficient in, and would be of great use to us if we could from very good hands be informed of the transactions, views, and intrigues of the European Courts— for maintaining several useful agents both here and in other places, many of whom perpetually want a comfortable subsistence, and particularly at this time of distress,

when money is very scarce almost with every body, are driven I doubt to great necessity; and, if there be new elections, I am afraid a considerable sum will be wanted for carrying them on successfully, for corruption is so great among all degrees of men, that though the present spirit, if it continues, will do a great deal in the matter, yet there are so many little venal boroughs, that it is to be apprehended a majority will hardly be carried by the inclinations of the people only.

JAMES TO LORD LANSDOWNE.

(Extract.)

April 13. 1722.

Ir is certain that although the five persons now concerned were yet more considerable than they are, and though we were sure that they were to act all of them with the greatest union and the utmost vigour, it is not to be imagined that they alone could do the work; and of those five I do not see any one both willing and fit in all respects to act a principal part with the rest of my other friends who might come into the project; and yet how is it possible things can go on without a head and one chief person to direct and manage matters on the other side, and to correspond with this? In the way things have gone on hitherto, diversity of opinions, even joined to disputes and multiplicity of (in some manner) useless letters, have been the chief effect; whereas could what I mention above be compassed, affairs would certainly be carried on with much less confusion and much more harmony and secrecy. I am sensible it will not be easy to find such a person; but were Lord Oxford willing to undertake the task, I know nobody so capable of performing it to advantage. Lord Arran would certainly agree to it, and as the others of that club are disgusted with the Bishop of Rochester, they would, I dare say, heartily enter into it; while, on the other hand, Lord Orrery, Lord Gower, and all that set of friends, would no doubt be pleased with the proposition, although they