would not maybe have submitted so cheerfully to the Bishop of Rochester: so that all put together, even laying my Lord Oxford's capacity aside, I cannot think of any other person so capable of uniting all the different sets of my friends as him, neither do I see any other method of acting on a sure foundation but this.

EARL OF ORRERY TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

November 15. 1723.

THE chief foundation of any reasonable project must be a good number of regular forces, without which I doubt there will not be encouragement enough for great numbers of the people to rise, or of the army to desert; the body of the people are certainly well disposed towards your interests. It is not an extravagant computation, I believe, that four in five of the whole nation wish well to you, but people of reflection and fortunes will hardly venture their lives and estates unless they see they have some tolerable chance to succeed, and soldiers will hardly desert unless there be a body of soldiers to desert to. Those that govern at present are generally despised and abhorred, but their power is too great not to be feared, and it is the more feared because they are cruel, without principles, and act in the most arbitrary manner without regard to the known laws or constitution; they have a large army, well paid, well clothed, and well provided for in all respects, ammunition and magazines of all kinds, a large fleet, and the officers of it generally, I believe, devoted to them; the command of all the public money; and by the fatal corruption that prevails almost over the whole nation, the absolute power in both Houses of Parliament. This is a true state of the strength of your enemies-formidable it is and requires a proportional strength to contend with it, or some well laid stratagem to supply the place of such a strength. But there is still another and perhaps a greater disadvantage that your cause lies under, which is the indolence, inactivity, and

almost despair of many of your chief friends; they have, indeed, great reason to appear quiet, and to act with the utmost caution, and I could wish they would endeavour to lull the Government as it were asleep, and to make them believe there are no farther thoughts of designs against them. But where there can be a confidence, there they ought to speak with freedom to one another, and never cease proposing some scheme or other till a project can at last be framed to the satisfaction of reasonable people, and a right method of execution agreed upon. But few of your chief friends are very capable, and some of those that are have other infirmities that hinder them from serving the cause in a right manner. I don't care to say more upon this melancholy subject.

LORD LANSDOWNE TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

July 10. 1724.

OUR western people have been in a tumultuous way of late, as well as the northern Cameronians. Their leader gave himself the name of Lord Mar, and fought a sharp battle, which lasted above two hours; in the end, regular troops coming in upon them, they were dispersed, and poor Mar was taken: it is odds but he will be hanged, which you will be very sorry for, I am sure, for the name's sake. Thus the only blood that has been drawn in either kingdom has been by a real Mar and a feigned one. Madame de Villette's journey into England was to save no less a sum than fifty thousand pounds, which was lodged in her name in the hands of a banker, who pretended to make a discovery of it to the Government as a forfeiture, upon offering to prove her married to Lord Bolingbroke. It is uncertain how, with all her dexterity, she will be able to clear herself of this difficulty. She has not the luck to please at Court; elle parle trop, et sans respect, was the character given her by the Mas

ter of the house.* You can tell, Sir, whether that is a just character: she is your old acquaintance.

DUKE OF WHARTON TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

London, Feb. 3. 1725.

THERE is a strong report of Lord Bolingbroke's Bill being at last fixed; and I had the other day a very long conference on that subject with Lord Bathurst, who, when I represented to him Lord Bolingbroke's behaviour to your Majesty, and quoted your own authority for the assertion, answered, that he had not learned to jurare in verba magistri, to which I only replied, Juravi. We esteem Lord Bathurst entirely departed from your cause, though he will not yet leave us in Parliamentary disputes. I hope his friend Sir William Wyndham will not follow him in his politics as he does in his pleasures.

DUKE OF WHARTON TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

May 1. 1725.

THE rage which inflames both parties in the city, who seem entirely sensible of this fatal law (the City Bill), increases every day, and will blaze more and more as they feel the great distractions which must attend the execution of it. The Ministers were alarmed for fear the Common Council of London should have gone (as we had determined they should) to the Duke of Hanover for protection. The enemy, having notice of this design, brought him down to give the Royal Assent on the Tuesday;

* King George.

and the House of Lords' Amendments did not pass the House of Commons till the Monday. This precipitation made it impossible for us to execute our scheme; but, however, it shows the world upon how precarious a bottom they stand who are thus frighted at the least shadow. All due care shall be taken to work upon the different passions of those who seem at present to be thoroughly disaffected, and to keep up at the same time the spirit of our old friends. In order to it I shall print my observations on the City Bill, which I hope will contribute to increase their animosities.

I

The point of Lord Bolingbroke's Bill, which is now depending in the House of Commons, has plainly discovered the sentiments of some persons who before that were labouring to conceal their real inclinations. should not much regard the zeal which Lord Bathurst and Sir William Wyndham expressed for that Lord's service, when their only pretence was the private friendship that had formerly subsisted between them. But when in a public meeting of some chosen Tories at Lord Bathurst's house, relating to this affair, Lord Bolingbroke's behaviour to your Majesty and your interest was started as an objection to the showing of him the least favour, I think the case altered, and that whoever gives his vote for or against that Lord is to consider himself as a person who by his conduct on that occasion is to appear a dutiful subject and servant to so good a master, or an advocate for treachery and corruption. Sir Christopher Musgrave, Sir Thomas Sebright, and Sir Jermyn Davers, out of their utter detestation for your Majesty's enemies, bravely opposed the very bringing in of any Bill whatsoever; and though several Tories were for it, yet it was the misfortune of many of them not to understand the case, and to believe that what Lord Bathurst and Sir William Wyndham said could not be intended to prejudice the party. Mr. Shippen, Strangways, and others were absent, which I believe was owing to an unguarded promise they had made not to oppose it. In the House of Lords our number is so small, that any behaviour there will be immaterial; and though I believe some of your Majesty's most dutiful subjects will not attend, yet I am sure they will not blame me if I bear my testimony

against him, as having had an opportunity when I was in France, some years ago, of knowing personally the several particulars of his scandalous behaviour. I would not have your Majesty imagine any thing from this that my warmth should ever carry me to divide from the main body of the Jacobites, for I would at any time curb my passion or restrain the strongest inclinations to unite or reconcile them.

The next point of consequence now before the Parliament is the Bill disarming the Clans of Scotland, which is to be done with the utmost cruelty that the severest tyrant can invent. We are to battle it on Monday next in the House of Lords, and I shall act my part in it. We are afraid that this oppression should exasperate the Clans to oppose the execution of the law by force. But all due care will be taken to induce them to delay their resentments till a proper occasion shall offer. How happy should we be at this juncture to have some little assistance from a foreign Prince! - Lord Lechmere in all these cases votes and speaks with us. He at present seems to have thrown away the scabbard, but I am afraid he is actuated by resentment and not principle, and if he were to be made Chancellor (which the Ministers will never permit) would be as violent a prosecutor of those with whom he at present acts as any Whig of them all. I propose, as soon as I receive your Majesty's leave, to go abroad for some time.

BISHOP ATTERBURY TO JAMES.

(Extract.)

(Paris) May 14. 1725.

LORD LANSDOWNE's paragraph would have surprised me indeed, did I not consider under whose crafty and malicious influence he is; and had I not received of late some letters from him, by which he seems to have entertained thoughts and resolutions that I scarce believe his breast would ever have harboured. I say, seems; for I