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JAMES TO BISHOP ATTERBURY.
Near Nancy, August 9. 1727. I RECEIVED last night from Luneville yours of the 5th, and at the same time a letter from the Duke of Lorraine, writ in his own hand, in which he desires me in the strongest terms to go out of his country in three days, with a plain intimation that if I delayed it longer he should be forced to oblige me to it by force. He does not name the French in his letter, but it is very manifest that this comes chiefly if not entirely from them, and probably upon instances Mr. Walpole made to the Cardinal upon the return of his courier from England. The Duke of Lorraine expresses the greatest concern to be forced to come to these extremities, which are certainly much against his will. But he cannot resist superior force, neither can I, so that I leave this place on Monday next.
Enfin, in my present situation I cannot pretend to do any thing essential for my interest, so that all that remains is that the world should see that I have done my part, and have not returned into Italy but by force. The journey I have made on one side, and my remaining here till I was forced out, may be thought sufficient proofs of that, and the circumstances of my being drove from hence are such as may sufficiently justify me in not going to Switzerland without that people's consent, whose counsels always must be influenced by France or the Emperor; and even in general I know not whether it would be a right politic for me to expose myself manifestly to be drove out of different States one after another.
EARL OF ORRERY TO JAMES.
(Extract.) No date, but endorsed (Received, August 1727). From the instructions I have given the bearer (J. Hamilton), and even from the public accounts, you will be
convinced that there is not any room to expect any commotion, or disturbance here at present. governed by men of arbitrary principles, and I doubt cruel dispositions; our Parliament are all most universally corrupted ; our nobility and gentry are for the most part servile, ignorant, and poor-spirited, striving who shall sell themselves at the best price to the Court, but resolved to sell themselves at any; and our Constitution altered into despotic by the aid of mercenary Lords and Commons. . . . . . For my own part, though appearances are too melancholy, I do not despair of seeing things both at home and abroad put on a better aspect in a little time. I flatter myself that a breach betwixt this Court and some others of real power, is not unlikely to happen; and any appearance of that, much more any hostile stroke, will soon show the real weakness of this fabric, which now seems very strong; and though there do not yet appear many discontented people upon this change of Government, yet it is probable there will soon arise much animosity against it, and perhaps deeper rooted than ever, from the incapacity, stubbornness, and haughtiness of the present King. This prospect alleviates something of our present miseries, which would otherwise be almost insupportable to men of generous mind and well-wishers of their country. Upon the whole, Sir, lot me beg of you never to think of making any rash attempt.
BISHOP ATTERBURY TO JAMES.
Aug. 20. 1727. You will observe, Sir, what a spirit of caution and fear possesses your friends at home, and how they dread any alarm being given to the Government, and taken by it. Something, indeed, must be allowed to Jodrell's (Lord Orrery's) temper, which is wary to excess. However, the persons he consulted with have a deference for his advice: and though not perhaps altogether so cautious as he, yet may be looked upon as ready to join in his opinion. 2007 (Lord Strafford), if in town, would have answered with more spirit: but he was at a distance.
Upon the whole, it appears that nothing is to be expected from them without a foreign and a very considerable assistance; and it slipt from Jodrell (Lord Orrery), in his conversation with the person sent, that that number should not be much less than 20,000; though this particular he omitted in the memoir, and I mention it only to show their extreme timorousness.
It is plain that the Tories at this turn hoped to get into place, if not into power; and though they resolved to keep their principles and inclinations if they had done so, yet I much question whether they really would; or rather I am satisfied that the bulk of them would not ; and therefore it is a happiness to you, Sir, that their aims have hitherto been, and will probably continue to be, defeated.
From the character of Lintall (Duke of Hanover) and his wife given, which is undoubtedly a true one, and from that circumstance of their being not likely long to submit to any man's advice, you have all the reason in the world to expect that their affairs will soon be perplexed, and that the Whigs they employ will grow turbulent and quarrel among themselves. It cannot be otherwise while Olly (Walpole) is at their head, and yet not entirely possessed of all the power and credit he had, and apprehensive of the designs of enemies of the same party, as the case certainly is, to dislodge and disgrace him. This situation will make him naturally cast about how to save himself, either by remaining in power or quitting it: and whether he does the one or the other, confusion will follow.
The war between Walpole and Pulteney is as open and violent as ever; as a proof of which the last Craftsman is sent. But it is a stronger proof that Pulteney himself is not employed ; and that the Chetwynds, his friends, and Gumly, his father-in-law, are turned out; and Chesterfield, who has mixed in all his resentments, is to be sent abroad upon an embassy. These things will not extinguish but inflame the quarrel between
and it cannot be long before it will come to such
a height as will give great advantages to your friends at home and abroad.
Walpole will always fear that he stands upon an insecure foundation ; that Lintall (Duke of Hanover) dissembles with him as being necessary to his affairs for a time, and will watch the first opportunity to get rid of him. Under these persuasions, he will not act with zeal and cheerfulness, but will probably look out for some supports against what he apprehends may happen to him.
Sir, I return to, and humbly persist in the opinion of your endeavouring by all manner of ways to fix at Avignon, or somewhere on this side of the Alps. 1165 (Cardinal Fleury), cannot in his heart blame you for it, and hitherto seems in some degree to favour it. And should he do otherwise, and come even to extremities, you will be forced to yield with more honour; and he may perhaps open himself to you a little farther than he has as yet done, before he removes you. If he does, that secret will make amends for all his harsh usage.
Your friends at home are apprehensive of your approaching too near the coast, chiefly on their own account, as they reckon they should feel the effects of it. But they can have no just objection to your quitting Italy, and being, though still at a distance, yet in a greater readiness to lay hold of advantages.
DUKE OF WHARTON TO JAMES.
Parma, May 21. 1728. The transport I felt at the sight of your Majesty prevented me from recollecting many things which I had proposed to have humbly laid be
you; most of which were rendered useless by your Majesty's gracious manner of receiving me. Your Majesty's goodness in writing to the King of
and the Duke of Ormond, will I hope, screen me from the reflections which will be cast upon me by some gentlemen who brand my zeal with the name of madness, and adorn their own indolence with the pompous title of discretion ; and who, without your Majesty's gracious interposition, will never comprehend that obedience is true loyalty.
BISHOP ATTERBURY TO JAMES.
Paris, Nov. 12. 1731. I HAVE been obliged to write and print the Paper enclosed, partly for reasons specified in the Paper itself, and partly at the desire of some friends in England; which I comply with the more readily, as it gave me an occasion of doing some little justice to the memory of that great and good man, the Earl of Clarendon ; equally eminent for his fidelity to the Crown, and his ill usage on that very account.
Whilst I was justifying his History, I own myself to have been tempted to say somewhat likewise in defence of his character and conduct, particularly as to the aspersion with which he has been loaded of advising King Charles II. to gain his enemies and neglect his friends. A fatal advice! which he certainly never gave, though he smarted under the effects of it, and was sacrificed by his Master to please those who were not afterwards found to be of any great importance to his service. But I considered the ill use that might be made of such an apology, and therefore declined it.
You may perhaps not have heard, Sir, that what happened to my Lord Clarendon, was the first instance in the English story of banishing any person by an Act of Parliament wherein a clause was expressly inserted, to make all correspondence with him penal, even to death. Permit me to add, that I am the second instance of a subject so treated; and may perhaps be the last, since even the inflictors of such cruelties seem now to be a-weary and ashamed of them.