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Church and State.

pests in the vale below; so always that this prospect be with pity, and not with swelling or pride."

To the intelligent Nonconformist this vantage-ground just now preeminently belongs.

The sea of politics is mostly a troubled sea, and the ships venturing upon it must ever be prepared for tempests and storms; but at the present time there are upon it ships that were never built for those seas, and which, therefore, are tossed with unaccustomed severity and threatened with shipwreck the most disastrous, The air, too, is full of the noise of conflict and the din of arms; but among the many cries I hear, the loudest and the hoarsest is the cry which into political conflict should never have been imported-the cry of "the church." And well for us, I say, as Nonconformists, if we have our feet firmly planted on the solid shore, or on the defenced height, so that with pity, but not with fear, with humility, but not with distress, we can behold the lashing of the main and hear the din of conflict. To this vantage-ground I deem we are called by our Lord's important and emphatic words, "My kingdom is not of this world."

These words were uttered by our Lord in his defence before Pilate. He was accused by the Jews as guilty of" perverting the nation," 'forbidding to give tribute to Cæsar,"

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"saying that He Himself is Christ a king." In other words, they indict him as a pretender, so far as the Jews are concerned, to the authority and rule of Cæsar, and accuse him with the intent of setting up a rival kingdom and a rival throne to that of Rome.

Pilate, though evidently disposed to treat the charge as paltry and malicious, yields so far as to examine Him upon it, and calling Him apart saith to Him, "Art thou the king of the Jews?"

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The question is not instantly answered; but having ascertained that Pilate is examining Him upon the accusation of the Jews, and upon nothing he has himself heard or known of Him, He replies that He is indeed a King, but that His kingdom is not of this world. As though He had said, 66 I cannot, will not disown my kingly right and power; even though confronted with death I must still maintain my kingly pretensions: I am king of the Jews.' But no existing throne is imperilled by these pretensions. Cæsar has in me no rival, human governments in me no foe. My kingdom is not of this world.' It rests on no human foundations-it attempts no political dominion-it breathes no mundane spirit. Not in any sense similar, it can be in no sense antagonistic to the kingdom of Cæsar, or the kingdoms of the world. My kingdom is not of this world.""

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The words thus interpreted have most important bearings upon the questions of the day; and while we can far more rely upon the broad and conspicuous principles of the New Testament for our views of what Christ's church should be, than upon solitary and disjointed texts of Scripture, yet by the light of these words we cannot fail to behold corruptions and evils we shall charitably but firmly expose, while, at the same time, we attempt to lead where calmly may be seen the tossing of the ships ecclesiastic, and heard without alarm the rallying cries of the combatants below.

I. If Christ's kingdom is not of this world, then it is evidently dissimilar to the kingdoms of this world.

His kingdom is not of this world, being altogether unlike the kingdoms of the world. And how unlike these kingdoms? Because (such is His reply) these kingdoms are the manifestations and expressions of mateial power, force, conquest; but His

kingdom is the kingdom of truth.

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AM KING," saith Christ; and then to define what His kingliness, His royalty means, He adds, Το this end was I born, and for this purpose I came into the world, that I should bear witness to the truth. Every one that is of the truth heareth my voice." As though He had said, Royalty, indeed, I assume; a kingdom, indeed, claim; but not upon the ground I might prefer that of my eternal authority and powernor upon the ground of my lineal descent according to the flesh, from David; but I prefer my claim to royalty and dominion upon the ground that I am the truth,' and bear witness to that truth even by the shedding of my blood. That truth, thus certified and published and glorified, must live and reign. It shall gather together in one grand fraternity, in one blessed kingdom, all to whom it has attractiveness

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and power. Over them I will reign and rule by the power of that truth: mine is the kingdom of truth, and every one that is born of the truth belongs to my kingdom. Because 1 am the Truth I am the King."

I wish not to demean other kingdoms while I glorify the kingdom of Jesus Christ. But even Pilate was constrained to bear witness to the dissimilarity of Christ's idea to the idea of every earthly king. Most likely be thought Him some romantic dreamer, some philosophic votary, more dangerous to Himself than to Cæsar. "What is truth?" asked he, indifferently and sceptically. Who can find out the pearl, even after the most diligent searching; and of what practical use is it, even if found? Kingdoms, he would say, rest not upon truth, but material upon power, and he is only an empty dreamer who talks of truth in such a connection. "What is truth?' said jesting Pilate, and would not stay for an answer."

And from this there are two most obvious inferences.

1. That the sphere of Christ's kingdom is wholly different from the sphere of worldly kingdoms.

They fill distinct and separate spheres-worldly kingdoms seeking man's worldly interests, but Christ's kingdom those interests which are spiritual and eternal. Nor can these kingdoms possibly exchange places; they cannot possibly displace or overlap each other. Christ has supremacy over conscience and heart; Cæsar has only supremacy over outward actions. Cæsar may say, Thou shalt do; but only Christ can say, Thou shalt love.

And it as obviously follows

2. That Christ's kingdom and the kingdoms of the world are dissimilar in their constraints.

Force may produce actions, but only love can produce love. The sword may establish and conserve human governments, but only the loving influences of the gospel and the Spirit can establish and promote the kingdom of Christ. By the nature of the kingdom must be determined the nature of its rule: the sword of temporal power for the magistrate, but only the sword of the Spirit for the ministers of Christ.

But enough for the present of New Testament principles: what is the testimony of New Testament facts? The very same. Christ's kingdom was founded by no other force than this the force of His truth, the converting force of His Holy Spirit. Not at any time did He countenance the mighty things of this world, but the feeble and the foolish. From their nets and fishing boats He called the founders of His kingdom. He put into their hands no sword, no power to tithe or tax, to constrain or to compel,

"But gave them truth to build on, and the sound
Was mighty on their lips, nor needed they
Beside the Gospel other spear or shield
To aid them in their warfare for the faith."

It is truly much to say, but not more than facts authorize and sus

Church and State.

tain, that only as the kingdom of as the kingdom of Christ has maintained this its original characteristic, and used no weapons but those spiritual weapons which are mighty in the pulling down of strongholds, has that kingdom triumphed and prevailed. No after success has ever been in proportion to the success it achieved during its first three hundred years, when, instead of pushing its way by the power of the temporal sword, it pushed its way in positive defiance of that sword, and instead of being the creature of state patronage and support, it actually had to confront a second Gethsemane and a second Golgotha. The church has done much since then, but never much save by the might of her faith and the intensity of her devotion to her King. Yes: "when single handed Truth walked the land, she walked with the might and prowess of a conqueror: but no sooner was she propped up by the authority of the state than her brilliant career was for ever ended. When she took up the carnal and laid down the spiritual weapon, her strength went out of her; she was struck with impotency."

And the key to all this is the simple principle I have laid down that spiritual truth is never promoted but by spiritual weapons. Decrees of councils and synods and convocations, parliamentary enactments, royal supremacy, taxes, the sword of the civil magistrate, the wealth and patronage of the state,-these are the fetters, sometimes of iron, sometimes of gold, restraining the flight of the mighty angel in the midst of heaven."How do the apostles account for their triumphs in pulling down the strongholds? They tell us it is because the weapons of their warfare are not carnal but spiritual.' The kingdom of God refuses to be indebted for its advancement to any other. Reason, scripture, prayer, ought to comprise the whole armoury

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of religion, and by these alone the battles of our faith are to be successfully fought."

II. If Christ's kingdom is not of this world, then it is not antagonistic to the kingdoms of this world.

This conviction Christ so fully forced upon the mind of Pilate that he went forth to the Jews to say, "I find no fault at all in him." Christ asserted, and Pilate believed the assertion, that His royalty threatened not the royalty of Cæsar, and that His kingdom had no hostility to that of Rome.

And upon this ground Christ claimed and still claims the right of a separate and distinct existence for His kingdom. It fills another domain, it contemplates other ends than those proposed by worldly and temporal empires. It will leave them fully their rightful spheres and flourish still. So long as they refrain from tyranny, injustice, and unrighteousness; so long as they are for a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well," it throws over them its overshadowing wings, and in the name of the Most

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High bids them prosper.

Truly, it has frequently clashed and contended with other kingdoms, but in every case because they have usurped its functions, never because it has usurped theirs. For when they have claimed authority over consciences and souls, they have invaded the functions of Christ's kingdom, and not one of "His crownrights" can ever be relinquished, even though in its defence oceans of blood be shed.

But if persecution by the state has fettered the liberties of Christ's kingdom, state patronage has fettered her liberties still more. For, fifteen centuries ago the state learnt that there is more to be gained by the alliance of the church than lost through her

imagined hostility. Consequently, the fetters of iron were exchanged for the fetters of gold; instead of being cast into dungeons, Christianity was made sharer of the throne; instead of the stake, there was the seat of honour for the Nazarene! A powerful priesthood! What state could not make this an engine of terror? A religion so mightyhow much mightier the state with such an ally! And thus, more or less, for upwards of fifteen centuries, has this union subsisted; perhaps, in some cases, to the advantage of civil governments, of magistracies, but in every case to the detriment and disadvantage of pure, spiritual religion.

Well whether the interference be friendly or unfriendly, be it by persecution or by patronage; whether Christ's kingdom be loaded with the iron fetters of hostility or the golden fetters of favour; equally is the interference obnoxious to Christ, and opposed to His declaral, "My kingdom is not of this world." There is little difference: patronage is as bad as persecution, indeed worse for the church's life; for while patronage has emasculated the church and drained it of its power, in persecution it has ever been seen that "the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church." I say again, the church neither welcomes the kisses nor the stripes of the state. But she claims unfettered action, She wants the freedom wherewith Christ first made her free; then, both from the chains of persecution and the chains of patronage, "loose her and let her go."

III. If Christ's kingdom is not of this world, it certainly refuses to be held in subjection to the kingdoms of

this world.

Not expressly, but yet by implication, did Christ tell Pilate that His kingdom was of divine authority and

origin. By virtue of that divinity, therefore, He both claims for, and insures to, His kingdom unfettered dominion and complete ascendancy.

Now I can well believe that, to many minds, a state establishment is the very embodiment of this idea, and that multitudes sincerely believe that by the union of the kingdom of Christ with (say) the kingdom of these realms, the dominion and ascendancy of Christ's kingdom are promoted and maintained. With all tolerance and charity, however, we are compelled to maintain precisely the contrary idea. The statement may not pass unchallenged, but it is made deliberately, and we are prepared to maintain it, that nothing has more interfered with and forbidden the dominion and ascendancy of Christ's kingdom than the so-called patronage and support which that kingdom has received from the king. doms of the world.

There are but two conditions upon which the union of Christ's kingdom with earthly kingdoms, or the union of the church with the state, is possible. Either the spiritual elements of the church must be accepted by the state, or the carnal elements of the state must be accepted by the church; either the church must descend to the level of the state, or the state must be raised to the level of the church; either the church must symbolize with the state, or the state must symbolize with the church.

Now, let the first of these conditions be fulfilled, let the spiritual elements of the church thoroughly permeate the state, let the state throughout be lifted to the level of becomes no longer unscriptural, but the church; then a national church in absolute accordance with the glowing strains of prophecy and the holy longings of Christ the Lord.

Only, let it be remembered that such a national church, the church, indeed, of the millennium! will not

Church and State.

be formed upon the model of any national church now existent; that, unlike any attempted or professed embodiment of its idea, it will be spiritual, united, aggressive, and free, and only the church of a kingdom because in the highest and noblest sense that kingdom has become the kingdom of our God and of His Christ.

Brethren, we one and all are here agreed that this condition has yet to be fulfilled! May God hasten the time of its fulfilment, for our souls are weary with waiting and watching for kings to be nursing fathers and queens to be nursing mothers to the church, and for the rich among the people to entreat her favour! Oh! for the great voices in heaven and earth exclaiming, "Hallelujah! Hallelujah! the kingdoms of this world are become the kingdom of our God and of His Christ."

But, in the absence of this condition, there remains but the other I have mentioned: for if the union of the church with the state has not spiritualized the state, then the union of the church with the state has carnalized the church! No other theory can possibly account for the mutual satisfaction of both parties concerned with that contract, and facts abundantly prove the theory to be true.

For, can the largest charity acknowledge anything more than the nominal Christianity of the first-socalled Christian-Emperor, Constantine? Or are any prepared to affirm his patronage of Christianity to be at all better than a stroke of astute policy? Thus dictated, the union could have but one result the humiliation and corruption of the church. Better for her fresh tides of persecution than the sinister influences of such an alliance.

Time would fail me even to outline the growing degeneracy, and humiliation, and impotency of the church as effected, in the first instance, by her

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temporal subjection, and then by her temporal sovereignty. Would to God there were some kind oblivion in which for ever to inter these "dark ages!"

Would, too, that the church's humiliation were ended and complete! But ended that humiliation is not, nor can be so long as the spiritual is subjected to the temporal,. or the kingdom of Christ subjected to the kingdoms of the world.

For by religious establishments religion is secularized, the church becomes a political engine, the kingdom of Christ is absorbed into the civil government, and the temporal king displaces. the spiritual king-the Lord Jesus Christ.

Are these assertions extravagant? Let facts again testify. The Established Church of these realms is, or is held to be, both by friends and foes, the most perfect embodiment existent of a national religion. Yet is not religion secularized when the supremacy of that church resides in the temporal monarch, be he base and licentious, as Henry VIII. or Charles II.? Is not religion secularized when Parliament, however corrupt and ungodly, determines the nation's spiritual belief and spiritual practice? Can religion be otherwise than secularized when no guarantee is given for the piety of the clergy; when bishops and archbishops are less spiritual pastors than temporal lords and peers; when the patronage of livings and sees is in the hands of a corrupt aristocracy and Premiers of all faiths, or of no faith at all?

And, under such a system, can we marvel at what we see? I mean the visible membership of the church shorn of its spirituality and significance-religious profession, but nominal and formal-ministers, by the hundred, at the altar, confessedly unconsecrated to Christ the simplicity and purity of the gospel everywhere impugned and contemned→→

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