Pope Adrian filled the chair scarcely a year, and created but one Cardinal. A little before his death he canonized one Renno, who had been Bishop of Misnia, and had defended the Papal supremacy; on which Luther published a writing, entitled, "Against the new Idol, and the new Devil, that is to be set up in Misnia." The Cardinals and Prelates were exceedingly disgusted with the measures of Adrian, both public and private. They considered that he had not strenuously defended the Roman see against the German opponents, and disliked the plain manner in which he was accustomed to maintain his dignity. They chose a very different character in the person of his successor Clement VII. a bastard of the house of Medici.

The new Pontiff, having cut off the head of a Florentine who wagered that his illegitimacy would have hindered his elevation, sent Cardinal Campegio, a negotiator of great address and ability, as his representative to another Diet held at the beginning of the year 1524, with instructions to represent to the princes the fatal consequences that would follow from their further connivance at heresy, and to exhort them to cause the edict of Worms to be executed. The Legate had occasion to observe the progress of Lutheranism as he passed through Germany, in the ridicule with which he was met by the inhabitants of different towns and villages, and might almost have anticipated a request made him on approaching the gates of Nuremberg, by Ferdinand and the other princes who gave him the meeting, that he would decline entering with the insignia of his station, for fear of being insulted by the populace. Notwithstanding the presence of the Diet, the magistrates openly favoured the reformed doctrines, the clergy preached strongly against the corruptions

of the Romish church, and administered the communion to their congregations under both kinds.

The Emperor, who had political reasons at this period to attach the Pope to his interests, supported the representations of the Legate by a formal rescript, as well as by the complaints of his ambassador and his brother Ferdinand against the princes for their lenity to the Lutherans. The Diet, however, knowing the sentiments of many of their subjects, and jealous of their privileges, opposed the rescript, and answered the Legate by referring to the hundred grievances, and demanding a general council. They appointed a meeting of the states to be held on the eleventh of the following November at Spires, to regulate matters in the mean time, and to consider of such parts of Luther's works, as good and learned men in their respective dominions should deem necessary to be submitted to the judgment of the Council itself. They declared, that the magistracies should provide for the preaching of the Gospel without sedition or scandal, and should forbid the publication of libels and caricatures against the Pope and Bishops. The determination of this Diet was neither agreeable to Luther, the Emperor, nor the Legate. The first justly remarked, "If the edict of Worms, which pronounced him a heretic, were to be enforced, why had the Diet directed the merits of his writings to be inquired into in the future assembly at Spires? Again, if an inquiry of this kind was in itself a proper measure, why was he to be condemned and punished previously to the trial which was to determine his guilt or innocence?" The second was indignant at the independence shown by the members of the assembly, observed it belonged to the Emperor or the Pope to summon councils, prohibited the intended meeting, and called Luther a profane savage,

who, like Mahomet, was seeking to gain temporal power by diffusing the poison of religious fanaticism. The third, seeing matters go from bad to worse, encouraged a party of his adherents, consisting of Ferdinand, the Dukes of Bavaria, and many of the leading Bishops, to act in opposition to the resolutions of the Diet; who entered into an association at Ratisbon, and bound themselves to execute the edict of Worms; to observe the ancient mode of administering the sacraments; to punish married ecclesiastics; to afford no asylum to banished Lutherans; and, in case of rebellion, to assist one another with all their force. This violent proceeding had the natural effect of rousing the deputies who had favoured the Reformers, and dissented from Campegio, to meet at Spires immediately after, and enter into a counter confederacy; while, in opposition to their Papal adversaries, they explained the decree of Nuremberg in favour of growing Protestantism.

The finger of Providence is here clearly to be discerned. The formidable league of the Roman Catholic princes served to fix those who were inclined to patronize the reformed doctrines, more decidedly in their apprehensions of the tyranny threatened by the union of the Papal and Imperial parties. They suspected that Ferdinand was using unwarrantable methods to secure his own election as King of the Romans; and the jealousies which ensued prevented that consolidation of power which would have been necessary to a system of persecution. The contentions which soon after took place between the Emperor and the King of France served also to distract still furtherthe councils of the partisans of Rome.

But the venturous bark of Reformation, that had hitherto spread her canvass on a rough sea, and, in defiance of numerous enemies, was not henceforth to be indebted to the

veering of the wind for speed in her progress; she was now to be helped forward by steady and decisive gales. The Landgrave of Hesse, a prince of great influence and distinguished talent, enjoined his clergy, by public proclamation, to preach the simple doctrine of Scripture as delivered by our Saviour and his Apostles. The Margrave of Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic order, renounced his vow of celibacy, making an open profession of the Lutheran tenets. Even in the Austrian dominions, the evangelical principles were not only received by the people, but were adopted by many of the higher orders, and by the Professors of the University of Vienna. In Saxony, the Elector Frederick, having sunk under his infirmities, was succeeded by his brother John, a less able patron indeed of Luther, but more avowed and zealous. Frederick had ever observed a cautious policy, had acted the part of a mediator between the Reformer and the Holy See, and though attached to the purer system of faith, had always aimed at avoiding, as far as possible, separation in ecclesiastical jurisdiction or religious communion. But no sooner had John attained the sovereignty, than he determined to throw off at once the Roman yoke, assumed the supremacy in church matters, and employed Melancthon to draw up an apology in defence of the princes who adopted the reformed doctrines. He also commissioned the same divine, in conjunction with Luther, to prepare a body of laws, relating to the form of ecclesiastical government, the method of public worship, the rank, offices, and revenues of the priesthood, which he promulgated throughout his dominions. The example of these princes was followed by the Dukes of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Zell; and by the Imperial cities of Nuremberg, Strasburg, Frank

fort, Nordhausen, Magdeburg, Brunswick, Bremen, and other minor municipalities.

While Luther beheld with satisfaction the success with which it had pleased God to crown his efforts, he could not but feel distress at some disturbances which occurred at this period of a mixed political and religious nature. Not only did the patrons of the old and the new systems give vent to mutual animosities, but persons of enthusiastic imaginations and insolent characters took occasion to indulge in wild speculations, and rising suddenly in different parts of Germany, took arms against their lawful governors, and were guilty of barbarous excesses. This insurrection, known in history by the title of the rustic war, belongs properly to civil narration; but as it was connected with the religious differences of the day, and afforded an opportunity to pious Lutherans to show by their conduct the practical excellence of Christian doctrines, it must not be suffered to escape a cursory notice. Munzer, Stork, and their fanatical associates, encouraged the rebels by their harangues; nor was peace restored till a year of confusion had elapsed. Sovereigns of both parties united in crushing these abominable disorders. The sect of the Anabaptists, which had persisted in arrogating the gift of prophecy, formed a kingdom of the elect upon earth, introduced a community of goods and wives, and abjured all authority, was broken and dispersed; Munzer, their unhappy leader, died on the scaffold; and no less than 100,000 peasants are supposed to have fallen in the different encounters.

The Papists exclaimed, "This is the fruit of the new doctrine: this is the effect of Luther's Gospel!" But Luther, aware of the reproach which such measures would bring on true religion, if countenanced by its professors, had

from the first exhorted the common people to subordination. "Let every one," said he, “beware of sedition as a very heinous crime; and this not only in what relates to external actions, but even to words and secret thoughts. I might augur well of your professing yourselves. ready to yield to the precepts of Scripture, did I not see that your boast of regard for pure doctrine and practice are empty words. Not one of your maxims is of evangelical character: they tend merely to promote a worldly liberty; but the Gospel calls us to tribulation, patience, contempt of riches, and even of life itself. What, then, have ye to do with the Gospel, except in making it an excuse for your unchristian purposes?"

The monastery of Wittenberg being deserted by its hooded inhabitants, in consequence of the religious changes adopted in Saxony, the Reformer himself laid aside the monastic habit in 1524; and on the 13th of June in the following year, espoused Catharine de Bore. This lady was of good family, and had been a nun in a convent at Nimptschen, but leaving it with other females, had come to Wittenberg under the conduct of a respectable burgess of Torgau. His enemies made this step a handle of censure, and ridicule, and misrepresentation; but he only acted consistently with the principles which he had professed in his treatise on monastic vows. He gave his friends several reasons for his conduct, such as, that intercourse with Christian ladies had softened his mind, and given him a taste for the charities of domestic life; that his father had expressed a desire of his entrance into the matrimonial state; that as the revenues of the monastery were resigned to the Elector, he might now reside in it as the master of a private family; and that Catharine herself had been very averse to a marriage