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ns were cloathed in white gowns and fear oods, with the symbol belonging to each ery, richly embroidered upon their es: They were all on horfeback, and thence preceded his Majefty to London, re he was received with the utmost pomp. city on this occafion was decorated rich filks and carpets; and on the bridge, in the streets, through which the cavalpaffed, were erected a variety of ftately ants, filled with perfons reprefenting Mules, Graces, and Sciences; and from pageants orations were made, and conperformed of vocal and inftrumental c. Two days after, the Lord Mayor Aldermen attended the King at Weftfter, and prefented him with a golden per, containing 1000 l. in nobles. Not tanding thefe early profeffions of loythe ill fuccefs and weakness of Henry le the citizens almost conftantly join his mies, and was one principal caufe of his

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King Edward IV. therefore, in the fedyear of his reign, fhewed his gratitude the favours he had received from them, granting the city a charter, by which all ancient rights and privileges of the citiis were confirmed, and the following adional privileges beftowed:

The Lord Mayor, Recorder, and dermen, paft the chair, are appointed permal Juftices of peace in the city; and conftituted Juftices of oyer and terminer, the trial of all malefactors within their n jurifdiction.

For the better afcertaining the customs the city, when a plea is brought in any he fuperior courts, relating to thofe cuf18, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen are owered to declare, by the mouth of their order, whether the point in controversy cuftom of London, or not; and if, upon airy, it be found to be fuch, then it is e recorded, and remain an established om to all futurity.

The Lord Mayor and Aldermen are ver exempted from serving in all foreign es, juries, or attaints, and from the ofof Affeffor, Collector of taxes, Overor Comptroller of all public duties out the jurifdiction of the city.

The citizens are allowed the privilege olding an annual fair in the borough of thwark, together with a court of pieder, with the rights and cuftoms thereto onging, &c. all at the ancient fee-farm lal. per annum.

Afterwards, in the year 1479, the city e the fame Prince 1923 1. 19 s. 8 d. for liberty of purehafing lands, &c. in mortn, to the value of 200 marks per an

num; and alfo purchased of the King, for 7000 1. the offices of package, portage, garbling, gauging, wine-drawer, and coroner, to be enjoyed by them and their fuc ceffors for ever.

In the fame year a dreadful peftilence raged in London, which swept away an incredible number of people.

On the death of Edward IV. the Duke of Buckingham ftrove in vain to make the citizens join in railing the Duke of Gloucef ter to the throne, to the prejudice of the young Prince, Edward V, by making a long speech to them in Guildhall. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and some of the Common-council, were, however, prevailed upon to go and perfuade that inhuman monster to accept of the crown; and afterwards the Lord Mayor contefted with the citizens of Winchester the right of being chief Butler at the coronation of a man who was a difgrace to human nature; but the Mayor of London had for fome ages enjoyed this privilege, and was not now denied it.

In the beginning of the reign of Henry VII. the fweating fickness firft raged in London, carrying off great numbers within 24 hours; but those who furvived that time generally recovered; and of this disease died two Lord Mayors and one of the Sheriffs, in the space of the year.

The next year the privileges of the citizens were ftruck at by their own Magiftrates, in a very extraordinary act of Common-council, which injoined the citizens, under the penalty of an hundred pounds, not to carry any goods or merchandise to any fair or market within the kingdom, for the term of feven years; but this fcandalous and unjust by-law was the next year set aside by act of Parliament.

In the year 1500, the plague carried off 20,000 perfons in London; and during this reign the city alfo fuffered greatly by the oppreffions of the King's Minifters Emp fon and Dudley; but the death of the King delivered them from their troubles.

King Henry VIII, the year after his ac ceffion to the throne, came in the habit of one of the yeomen of the guard, to see the march of the city watch; it being an ancient custom for the watch, who were then a body of military forces, to make a pompous march on the vigils of St. John Baptist and St. Peter and Paul. His Majefty was a fpectator on St. John's eve, and was fo highly delighted with the fight, that he returned, on the eve of St. Peter, accompanied by his royal confort, and the principal Nobility, and staid in Mercer's-hall, Cheapfide, to fee the pros ceffion repeated.

The march was begun by the city music,

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followed by the Lord Mayor's Officers, in party-coloured liveries; then the fwordbearer, on horfeback, in beautiful armour, preceded the Lord Mayor, mounted on a ftately horse, adorned with rich trappings, attended by a giant and two pages on horie. back, three pageants, morrice-dancers, and footmen; next came the Sheriffs, preceded by their Officers, and attended by their giants, pages, pageants, and morrice-dancers: Then marched a great body of demi-lancers in bright armour, on ftately horses; next followed a body of carabineers in white fuftian coats, with the city arms on their backs and breasts: Then marched a body of archers with their bows bent, and shafts of arrows by their fides; followed by a party of pikemen, with their corflets and helmets; after whom marched a body of halberdiers in their corflets and helmets; and the march was clofed by a great party of billmen, with helmets and aprons of mail.

The whole body, which confifted of

about 2000 men, had between every divifion a certain number of musicians, who were answered in their proper places by the like number of drums, with ftandards and enfigns, in the fame manner as veteran troops. This nocturnal march was lighted by 940 creffets, which were large lanthorns fixed at the end of poles, and carried over mens shoulders; 200 of which were at the city expence, 500 at that of the companies, and 240 were found by the city constables.

During this march, the houses on each fide the treets were decorated with greens and flowers wrought into garlands, and intermixed with a great number of lamps.

This fplendid proceffion, conftantly repeated twice a year, is not only a proof of the fondness for fhew which then prevailed, but lets us fee that the city was then watched by men corapletely armed; a body of troops of a peculiar kind, raised and maintained by the city.

The Hiftory of ENGLAND, continued from Page 23 of our laft.

In the midit of all these diftractions, the King caufed the Prince of Wales to be folemnly baptifed; the Pope, represented by his Nuncio, being godfather, and the Queendowager godmother: Father Saben officiated, and named him James-FrancisEdward.

At the fame time, the Court received a pamphlet, published in Holland, and intitled, A Memorial of the English Protestants, prefented to their Highneffes the Prince and Princefs of Orange.' It was afcribed to Dr. Burnet or Major Wildman; wherein, after a long narrative of the grievances of the nation, the author complained of King James's obliging his fubjects to own a fuppofititious child for the Prince of Wales; adding, That his Majesty would never fuffer the witneffes, that were prefent at the Queen's delivery, to be heard and examined. The King was no stranger to the fufpicions entertained by the people on this account, but hitherto had pretended to be ignorant of, or at least to despise thers. He perceived, however, that, on this occafion, he could not, without great prejudice to himfelf, help answering fo public a challenge; he therefore held an extraordinary Council, the 22d of October, 1688; to which were called the Queen-dowager, all the Lords fpiritual and temporal, then in town; the Lord-mayor and Aldermen of London, the Judges, and feveral of his Majefty's learned Council: All these being affembled, the King told them he had called them together upon a very extraordinary occafion;

but that extraordináry diseases must have extraordinary remedies: That the malicious endeavours of his enemies had fo poifoned the minds of fome of his fubjects, that, by the reports he had from all hands, he had reafon to believe, that very many did no think this fon, with which God had bleffec him, to be his, but a fuppofed child: Bu he might fay, that, by a particular provi dence, fcarce any Prince was ever borr where there were fo many perfons prefent: That he had taken this time to have the matter heard and examined there, expecting that the Prince of Orange, with the firt eafterly wind, would invade this kingdom and, as he had often ventured his life for the nation, before he came to the crown, so h thought himself more obliged fo to do now he was King, and did intend to go in per fon against him, whereby he might be ex pofed to accidents; and therefore he though it neceffary to have this now done, in orde to fatisfy the minds of his fubjects, and t prevent the kingdom's being engaged blood and confufion after his death: Th he had defired the Queen-dowager to gi herself the trouble co come hither, to decla what the knew of the birth of his fon; a that most of the Ladies, Lords, and oth perfons who were prefent, were ready depofe upon oath their knowledge of t matter.'

After this fpeech, depofitions were take firft of the Queen-dowager, who only fai That she was in the room when the Que was delivered,' without any thing more p

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tions are not applicable to any of the cafes, without being contradicted by those who maintain one of the other two cafes. Let us take, for inftance, the two depofitions which, next to that of the midwife, appear moft convincing; namely, that of the Lady who had feen milk run from the Queen's breafts; and that of the Lady Ifabella Wentworth, who had felt the child in the womb. These two teftimonies are fufficient against those who maintain, that the Queen was not with child from January, the time of her declared pregnancy, to the roth of June, the time of her delivery; but they are infufficient against those who pretend, that he was really with child from the 6th of October to the 9th of April, when the had a mifcarriage, for the reafons beforementioned. To be able therefore to give a certain judgment concerning the birth of the Prince of Wales, it is neceflary, 1. That facts fhould be agreed in, I mean, whether it be true, that the Queen was really with child, and that he had a mifcarriage. 2. That thofe, who derive their fufpicions from the Queen's obftinate refufal to give fatisfaction to the public, should fix the time of this obftinacy to the interval between the 9th of April, the day of her pretended mifcarriage, and the 10th of June, the day of her delivery; for, in fuppofing the reali ty of her pregnancy till Eafter-week, the fufpicions arifing from the Queen's obftinacy cannot but be ill-grounded, unless this ob ftinacy is confined to the space of time between the miscarriage and the delivery; which it is not. 3. That the two Ladies, who depofed concerning the milk and the motion of the child, fhould have fixed the time to the fame interval, otherwise their teftimony proves nothing against those who maintain, that the Queen was really with child till Eafter-week, and had then a miscarriage; but this is what does not appear. As to the teftimony of the midwife, which is the principal and moft pofitive, all that can be objected to it is, that it is a fingle teftimony, and that, befides, fhe, being a Papift, might have been corrupted. But this is only a conjecture, a bare poffibility; it is therefore clear, that, to decide this question in a manner capable to fatisfy thofe who only feek the truth, a more perfect knowledge must be had of many circum ftances which as yet lie concealed.

fitive or particular. After her followed forty witneffes, of which feventeen were Papifts; and it was begun with proving, that the Queen was brought to bed while many perfons were in the room. To this tended the teftimonies of the 18 Lords who accompanied the King thither. This proof fignified nothing, or was very ambiguous; it was well known there were a great many perfons in the room, at the time the Queen was faid to be delivered; which, doubtless, was all that was meant by this proof; but it was not fufficient to prove the reality of the delivery. Some of the Ladies depofed, that they faw the child foon after in the arms of the midwife; but, as no man in the Council durft put any questions to the witneffes, concerning feveral circumstances, thefe general depofitions were incapable to remove all fufpicions. The midwife depofed pofitively, that he took the child from the Queen's body. The Countess of Sunderland depofed, that the Queen called her to give her her hand, that the might feel how the child lay; which, added fhe, I did; but he did not fay whether the felt the child, or not. The Bishop of Salisbury adds, that the Countefs of Sunderland told the Duchefs of Hamilton (from whom he had this particular) that, when the put her hand into the bed, the Queen held it, and let it go no lower than her breasts, fo that really the felt nothing. Many Ladies depofed, that they had often feen the marks of milk on the Queen's linen near her breafts. Two or three depofed, that they faw it running out at the nipple: But, what is remarkable, none of thele Ladies named the time in which they faw the milk, except one, who named the month of May. Now, if it be true, as was before related, that the Queen was really with child till the 9th of April, and that the mifcarried that day, then all that was mentioned of milk in the Queen's breafts, particularly by her that fixed it to the month of May, might have followed upon that mifcarriage, and be no proof concerning the late birth. Mrs. Pierce, the laundrefs, depofed, that the took linen from the Queen's body once, which carried the marks of a delivery. The Bishop objects here, that it is ftrange the fhould fpeak only to one time. The Lady Wentworth was the fingle witnefs that depofed, that he had felt the child move in the Queen's belly; but the fixed it to no

time.

The King's precaution produced not the expected effect; the fufpicion of an impof In general, fee in few words the ufe that ture was fo deeply rooted in the minds of may be made of the fufpicions mentioned by most of the English, that it was rather .coneveral authors, and of thefe depofitions, firmed than removed by this examination, amely, There being three cafes, in none The mysterious conduct obferved at a time of which the two parties agree, the def when, confidering the general suspicion, all

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poffible precautions ought to have been taken to render the birth unquestionable, made a ftronger impreffion than all these teftimonies, and the rather, as they were found to be very defective. Before this examination, the prefumption of law was for the Prince, fince he was owned by both parents; fo that the proof lay on the other fide, and ought to be offered by thofe who queftioned it; but, after the King had undertaken to prove the reality of his fon's birth by forty witneffes, of which more than thirty faid nothing material, and the rest fixed no time to what they depofed, he left room to his enemies to object against thefe very depofitions.

The King's own teftimony was not more effectual. After the witneffes were examined, he told the affembly, That the Princess Anne of Denmark would have been prefent, but that he, being with child likewife, and having not lately stirred abroad, could not come fo far without hazard. Adding further, That, though he did not queftion but every perfon there prefent was fatisfied before in this matter, yet, by what they had heard, they would be better able to fatisfy others: That befides, if he and the Queen could be thought fo wicked as to endeavour to impofe a child upon the nation, they faw how impoffible it would have been; neither could he himself be impofed upon, having conftantly been with the Queen during her being with child, and the whole time of her labour. That there was none of them but would eafily believe him, who had fuffered fo much for confcience-fake, incapable of fo great a villainy, to the prejudice of his own children; and that he thanked God, that thofe that knew him knew well, that it was his principle to do as he would be done by, for that was the law and the prophets;' and he would rather die a thousand deaths, than do the leaft wrong to any of his own children.'

The reafons alledged by the King, in this fpeech, were far from being convincing, fince those who believed the imposture were perfuaded, that the King was chiefly concerned in it, notwithstanding all his affeverations, which were but little regarded. It is a fad thing for a King not to be credited by the body of his fubjects. The depofitions were folemnly inrolled in Chancery, and afterwards printed and difperfed among the people; but this did not prevent a general belief, that the Prince of Wales was fuppofititious: So this birth remains hitherto in uncertainty, and probably will long, remain fo; for it must be observed, that, after the King and Queen had withdrawn

into France, there was no finding either the midwife or the Queen's Ladies, who had depofed the most material circumftances of the pregnancy or the delivery.

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The 28th of October, the Earl of Sunderland was fuddenly removed from his places of Prefident of the Council and principal Secretary of State. It is believed, that his neglect of Skelton's letters to him was the principal caufe of his difgrace. He faid upon this fubject, If he gave no account of thefe letters to the King, it was becaufe Skelton never wrote but fecond-hand news." But thefe were not mere letters of news. One Wickstead, formerly a monk, being feized for holding correspondence with the King's enemies, charged the Earl of Sunderland to his face with revealing his Majefty's fecrets to the Prince of Orange; but being committed to the cuftody of a Mef fenger, he made his escape the next day, However, it is certain Sunderland had been fome time fufpected by the Papifts, who, in all appearance, perfuaded the King of his fecret intelligence with the Prince of Orange, He published afterwards an apology; but the difcuffion of this affair would be too great a digreffion.

As the Prince of Orange was expected with the firft easterly wind, fome of the moft devoted to the King, during his profperity, thought proper to fecure themselves by letters of pardon for their illegal actions. Amongst these were Chancellor Jefferies, Sir Nicolas Butler, the Bishop of Chefter, the Bishop of Durham, and about twenty more; to whom the King readily granted the favour they defired.

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While thefe things were tranfacting in England, the neceffary difpofitions were making in Holland for the affittance of the English. For it was upon this foot that the States lent their troops to the Prince of 0range; and what the King called in Eng land an invafion, in Holland was termed a brotherly affiftance, lent by the States and the Prince to the diftreffed English. It can hardly be thought that the Prince of Orange, with an army of thirteen or fourteen thousand men, would have undertaken a defcent into England, had he not been affured of a favourable reception from the generality of the people. But, as it was neceffary to remove the fufpicion fomented by the King, that the Prince was coming to conquer and fubdue England, be though proper, in a declaration, to fhew the tru motives of his undertaking. This declara tion, dated the 10th of October, N. S. wa divided into twenty-fix articles, reducibl to thefe three general heads:

The firft contained a particular

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ration of the grievances of the English nation, efpecially the King's arrogating to himfelf a difpenfing power: His advancing Papifts to civil, ecclefiaftical, and military employments, and allowing them to fit in the Privy-council His fetting up an illegal Commiffion for ecclefiaftical affairs, in which there was one of his Minifters of State, who made public profeffion of the Popifh religion, and who, at the time, of his firft profeffing it, declared, That, for a great while before, he had believed that to be the only true religion;' and by which not only the Bishop of London was fufpended, but the Prefident and Fellows of Magdalen college arbitrarily turned out of their freeholds, contrary to that express pro vifion in Magna Charta, That no man thall lofe his life or goods, but by the laws of the land: His allowing Popish monafte ries and colleges of Jefuits to be created: His turning out of public employments all fuch as would not concur with him in the repeal of the teft and penal laws: His invading the privileges, and feizing on the charters of moft corporations, and placing Popih Magiftrates in fome of them: His fubjecting the Courts of Judicatory to his arbitrary and defpotic power, and putting the adminiftration of juftice into the hands of Papifts: His not only arming the Papifts, in contempt of the laws, but likewife raifing them up to the greatest military trufts, both by fea and land, ftrangers as well as natives, and Irish as well as English, that he might be in a capacity to inflave the nation: His putting the whole government of Ireland into the hands of Papifts: His affuming an abfolute and arbitrary power in the kingdom of Scotland; from which it was apparent what was to be looked for in England.'

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dent, that, they being by law rendered in capable of all fuch trufts, no regard is due to their orders: That both he and his confort, the Princefs, had endeavoured to fig nify, with terms full of respect, to the King, the just and deep regret which all thefe proceedings had given them, and declared what their thoughts were touching the repealing of the test and penal laws but that thefe evil Counsellors had put fuch ill conftructions on their good intentions, that they had endeavoured to alienate the King more and more from them. That the last and great remedy for all these evils was the calling of a Parliament, which could not yet be compaffed, nor could be eafily brought about; for those men, apprehending that a lawful Parliament would bring them to account for all their open violations of law, and for their confpiracies against the Proteftant religion, and the lives and liber ties of the fubjects, they had endeavoured, under the fpecious pretence of liberty of confcience, first to fow divifions between thofe of the Church of England and Diffenters, with defign to engage Proteftants, who are equally concerned to preferve themfelves from Popifh oppreffion, into mutual quarrellings, that fo by thefe fome advantage might be given them to bring about their defigns, and that, both in the elections of Members of Parliament, and afterwards in the Parliament itself: That they had also made fuch regulations, as they thought fit and neceffary for fecuring all the Members that were to be chofen by the corporations; by which means they hoped to avoid the punishment they deferved, though it was apparent, that all acts made by Popish Magiftrates were null and void of themselves; fo that no Parliament could be lawful, for which the elections and returns were made by Popish Magiftrates, Sheriffs, and Mayors of towns; and therefore, as long as the magiftracy was in fuch hands, it was not poffible to have a free Parliament legally called and chofen. That there were great and violent prefumptions, inducing his Highne's to believe, that thofe evil Counsellors, in order to the gaining the more time for the effecting their ill defigns, had published,

Secondly, His Highness alledged, That great and infufferable oppreffions, and open contempt of all law, together with the apprehenfions of the fad confequences that muft certainly follow upon it, had made the fubjects to look after fuch remedies as are allowed of in all nations, and in the moft abfolute monarchies; all which had been without effect, his Majesty's evil Counfellors having endeavoured to make all men apprehend the lofs of their lives, liberties, honours, and eftates, if they fhould go about to preferve themfelves from this oppreffion by petitions and reprefentations; an inftance of which was the profecution of the feven Bifhops: That a Peer of the realm (the Lord Lovelace) was treated as a criminal, only because he faid, that the subjects were not bound to obey the orders of a Popish Juftice of peace; though it is evi

That the Queen had brought forth a fon;' though there had appeared, both during the Queen's pretended bignefs, and in the manner wherein the birth was managed, fo many juft and visible grounds of fufpicion, that not only he himself, but all the good fubjects of the kingdom, did vehemently fufpect, that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the Queen: And, though many both doubted of the Queen's bignets, and of the birth of the child, yet there was

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