us that, saving all notion of the presentation of any overture thereby, I was to ask if you would be willing to convey to his mind more fully an idea of what was intended under the term "conference." I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of dispatch from the department numbered 2128; also, of two telegrams by the cable, dated the 17th and 18th instant. The directions given to employ a special bar in defense of Colonel Nagle have been at once transmitted to Mr. West, at Dublin. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1543.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, February 26, 1868. SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of dispatches from the department numbered from 2129 to 2132, inclusive. The not unexpected event of the resignation by the Earl of Derby of his place as first minister of the Crown, was announced in both houses of Parliament yesterday. It was also declared that Mr. D'Israeli had been charged by the Queen with the duty of forming a new ministry, and Parliament, in order to give him the time requisite to complete the arrangements, adjourned until Friday. It is thought that this result has been somewhat accelerated by the proposal of both houses to enter at once upon the consideration of the question of Ireland. On that subject the government was not understood to have been fully prepared to initiate a policy, and much less to defend it, with its chief in the upper house utterly disabled from appearing. So wide is the difference of opinion regarding the principal question involved, the treatment of the established church, that it will task all the powers of the new chief to bring his friends to harmonize in any practical measure of change. Yet he has gained so much reputation for his success in grappling with an equally difficult problem in the extension of the franchise, that it is not deemed impossible that he may succeed also in this. The opposition, although not yet reorganized, is thought to be on the way to consolidation. It is not their policy to press too hard, however, so long as the remaining measures necessary to define the franchise and representation in Scotland and Ireland are not completed. There is not much more of union of sentiment on the church question on one side than on the other; so that much time may be spent in the discussion before any issue shall be arrived at, and even then it may be reached in a manner which will not unsettle the ministry. The change going on in the ancient forms of this government in this respect may thus become more and more apparent. Instead of representing a party, the cabinet more nearly approximates the popular sense acting on the representatives of both sides indiscriminately. The development of this new feature in the British constitution will soon be a matter for interesting speculation. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1546.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: You will receive in due course, from the consul at Dublin, Mr. West, the reports of the proceedings at Sligo in the trial of Colonel Nagle. It appears that in consequence of a failure to obtain a sufficient number of aliens to constitute half of the jury, it has been decided to change the venue, and to postpone the case to future day. All the necessary measures for the defense of Colonel Nagle, specified in your instructions, were adopted by Mr. West, and he was authorized by me to draw upon the department for the amount required to defray the expense. At the same time I have cautioned him to exercise his discretion in regard to the extent of his engagements, for the sake of security against exorbitant demands upon the national treasury. The trials in the five or six other cases of prisoners taken from the Jacmel will now probably proceed. Reports of these will be forwarded to the department in proper course. I have not thought it worth the expense to employ any one to watch the proceedings, as the reports of Mr. Adair, at Dublin, varied little from those obtained through the public press. The government have liberated several of the prisoners and offered terms to more, but they were not willing to abide by the conditions prescribed. I have never considered it proper to take official cognizance of these proceedings, as they depend for their validity upon the voluntary waiver of those claims by the parties to which alone it is my duty to respond. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. P. S. Since the foregoing was written, the newspapers announce the postponement of the remaining trials. No. 2139.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the 5th of February, No. 1531, which relates to the case of Michael McKeen, arrested at Queenstown on suspicion, and subsequently released. Your suggestions concerning the importance of United States citizens who may visit Great Britain being provided with evidences of citizenship, are approved. In this connection, I inclose a copy of an executive order of the 18th ultimo on that subject. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, It is recommended to all citizens of the United States, native or naturalized, who have occasion to visit Great Britain or Ireland, to procure passports from this department while the habeas corpus remains suspended in the latter country. Citizens of the United States, unjustly arrested, are liable to be detained without prompt examination until they can procure and produce legal evidence of their citizenship. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 2141.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I have just now received your dispatch of the 18th of February No. 1539. I entirely approve of your proceeding in submitting the substance of my No. 2118 to Lord Stanley. I have also taken the President's directions concerning the suggestions which his lordship has made to you with a view to the adjustment of existing differences between the United States and Great Britain. You were wise, as you always are, in saying to his lordship that it is the naturalization question which causes an uneasiness that more urgently needs removal than any other. While that uneasiness shall remain unrelieved, it would seem almost hopeless to attempt an adjustment of the other differences. This one will admit of no delay, compatibly with the preservation of harmony between our two countries. For this reason I cannot approve of his lordship's suggestion for a commission of eminent legal representatives of the four powers most interested in the question of naturalization. There now exists, it seems to me, a possibility of our being able to adjust this question promptly and satisfactorily. It could have been only a very few days after your conversation was held with Lord Stanley that Mr. Bancroft made a treaty with the North German government for adjusting the question of naturalization between the United States and that great and friendly power. That treaty has not, as yet, been received here. It is expected, however, to come by the very next mail. Its stipulations are believed to be tolerably well understood here. It is supposed also that they would be unobjectionable in principle to the British government. A single supplemental stipulation would render a treaty with Great Britain similar to that we are making with North Germany equally acceptable and satisfactory to the United States. That supplemental article would be that the naturalized citizen of one country should have and enjoy in the other all the rights, immunities, and privileges which, by the law of nations, treaties, or municipal daw, are allowed in that latter country to the native citizen of the country to which the naturalized citizen belongs. I am in communication now with Mr. Thornton upon the subject. So soon as I shall have received the Berlin treaty, I shall furnish him with a projet of a treaty, which, if he approves, I shall be ready to execute immediately. I shall suggest to him to-day that he ask by telegraph for the necessary special power and directions. If we can make such a treaty, only two things more will be necessary to relieve the now existing uneasiness which has resulted from the naturalization question. These are, first, that pardons be granted to Lynch and McMahon, two prisoners in Canada, believed by this government to be morally guiltless, and whose further punishment wears an aspect of unnecessary severity towards them and unkindness towards the United States; secondly, that her Majesty's government shall in some way provide for a discontinuance or termination of the cases of Colonels Warren and Nagle, which cases have been needlessly and blindly complicated by judicial persistence in the dogma of the indefeasibility of native British allegiance, which, it is expected, will be relinquished in the proposed treaty. With the good hope of adjusting the naturalization question promptly and in the manner indicated, I reserve, for the present, the consideration of Lord Stanley's suggestions relating to a mode of proceeding to arrange the Alabama and other questions, because the views I shall have occasion to submit on those subjects will be greatly influenced by the result of the anticipated proceedings in regard to naturalization. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. CLARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 1549.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES. SIR: I have the honor to transmit a copy of the Times of this morning, containing a report of the debate in the House of Commons last night on the motion of Mr. Shaw Lefevre relative to the questions between the two governments springing from the late struggle. I add a copy of the Standard, because I learn from Mr. Forster, one of the parties to the discussion, that at least his speech is reported in essential particulars more correctly there. Although not present myself on this occasion, I learn from several quarters that the temper manifested in it was throughout fair, and even friendly. I am inclined to believe that on the single question of the claims for damage done by the Alabama, and perhaps one or two other vessels, Parliament is almost prepared to pay whatever might be adjudged by a commission raised for the purpose, without much demur. You will doubtless take note of the allusion made in Lord Stanley's remarks, towards the close, to that part of your latest communication to me on the subject which I made known to him. My opinion is that the failure of the negotiation is matter of general regret. Whilst there is a strong disposition to protect the action of Lord Stanley in his construction of the terms of your dispatch of the 12th January, 1867, there is nevertheless a feeling that if he had put a construction like that of Mr. Forster's, they would have been quite as ready to justify it. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [From the London Standard, March 7, 1868.J THE ALABAMA CLAIMS. HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 6. On the order of the day for going into committee of supply, Mr. S. L. Lefevre rose to call attention to the failure of the negotiations with the United States government for arbitration of the Alabama claims, and moved an address for papers. The honorable gentleman said, that in bringing that subject before the house he hoped he would not be embarrassing the noble lord the secretary for foreign affairs in his diplomatic correspondence with the United States government, or adding to the complications already existing between the two countries. But it seemed to him, and others with whom he had communicated upon the subject, that some good might arise if the question were, discussed with candor and under a due sense of the important consequences which it involved. He would shortly state the facts of the case. The earliest cause of complaint on the part of the United States government arose out of her Majesty's procla mation of neutrality, which was issued on the 13th of May, 1861, upon the advice of the law officers of the Crown. The fall of Fort Sumter took place on the 14th of April in that year, and that was the commencement of the civil war in America; but long before that seven of the Confederate States had made great preparations for war, and had virtually separated themselves from the northern States. The fall of Fort Sumter was followed, two days afterwards, by the proclamation of President Lincoln calling out 75,000 men, and that was followed in its turn by the confederate government calling out 30,000 men and issuing letters of marque. On the next day President Lincoln proclaimed the blockade of the southern ports, and announced his intention of treating the crews of the privateers as pirates. These facts reached this country on the 3d of May, and were published in the English newspapers on the day following. On the 6th of May her Majesty's government announced in that house that they would recognize the Confederate States as belligerents, and on the 13th of May, as he had already stated, the proclamation of neutrality was issued. The actual blockade was effected by the north along the southern coast by the end of April, and from that day forward there were in the prize courts numerous cases relating to the capture of English vessels. But it was not until some time afterwards that the confederate flag made its appearance. It had frequently been said that the first confederate cruisers had sailed from this country. But that was not the fact. He found there were previously four cases of confederate men-of-war which sailed from southern ports. The first of these was a vessel called the Sumter, which escaped the blockade at New Orleans, and after capturing two prizes off Cuba, put into Trinidad on the 29th of July, 1861. That was the first instance in which the confederate flag had been recognized by this country. That vessel was followed by the Nashville, and next by the Oreto, (afterwards called the Florida,) which escaped from Liverpool and went to Nassau. It seemed that a complaint had been made to the collector of customs at Liverpool with respect to that vessel; but that gentleman appears to have been always easily deceived upon these subjects. [Hear, hear.] He reported to the government that he had every reason to believe that the vessel was intended for the Italian government. She went from Nassau to Mobile, where she ran the blockade, and then commenced her career of destruction. Shortly afterwards the news of the escape of the Florida came to the knowledge of the American government, and they then complained that another vessel of the same description, called the "290," was being built by the Messrs. Laird. Her Majesty's government again referred to the collector of customs at Liverpool, and he reported that the latter ship was obviously a war vessel, and that her builders did not disguise that she was intended for a foreign government, but they declined to state what foreign government that was. On the 22d of July, six affidavits were laid by the American minister before the foreign office, for |
