rabbins. In other matters, private and public (so is Cæsar's assertion (u)) they used Greek letters, which hath made some think that they wrote Greek. But be not easily thereto persuaded. Perhaps they might use Greek characters, seeing that those which the Greeks then bad, and now use, were at first received from strangers (y), and as likely from the Druids as from any other, for it is sufficiently justifiable out of old coins, inscriptions, and express assertion (*), that the ancient character among the Greeks was almost the same with that which is now the Latins'. But thence to collect that therefore they wrote or spake Greek, is as if you should affirm the Syriac testament to be Hebrew, because published in Hebrew letters; or some Latin treatises, Saxon, because in that character; or that the Saxons wrote Irish, because they used the Irish form of writing (a); or that those books which are published in Dutch by some Jews, in a special kind of Hebrew letters, should ! also be of the same tongue. Observe but this passage in Cæsar: He sends by a Gaul (allured to this use against his country by large rewards) a letter to Q. Cicero, being then besieged about where now is Tournay (b), & Græcis conscripsit literis, ne, interceptâ epistolâ, nostra (said he himself) ab hostibus consilia cognoscantur (c). what purpose did he thus, if the Gauls, or their statesmen the Druids understood Greek? I know what he writes (d) of those tables of account found in the now Swisserland, but shall not soon believe that they had much more Greek iu them than the character. If you object Strabo his affirmance (e), that the Gauls (for as long as I speak of them in general in this kind, I will include our Druids, as sufficient reason is elsewhere given) were grown such lovers of that tongue, rrs xai rà oyμßódæice 'Eddsworì yeápın (f). It is soon answered, that he speaks only of those about Marseilles, which was, and is well known to all men, to have been a colony of Phocians, out of the now Natolia (which were Greeks) by appointment of fate arriving at the mouth of the Rhosne, about the time of Tarquin the Proud; where Protis, one of their chief leaders, entertained by Namnus king of that &, coast, was chosen (according to their custom) in a banquet by Gyptis the king's daughter for her husband; hereto success grew so fortunate, that honourable respect on both sides, joined with imitation of Greek civility (after this city built near their arrive) it seemed, as my author says (g), as if Gaul had been turned into Greece, rather than Greece to have travelled into Gaul. Wonder dedicated to Salust, to have lived here, but indeed upon no such warrant as I dare trust. Our Geffrey Monmouth first our Brutus to devise. It was so laid to Geffrey's charge (he was bishop of Saint Asaph, under king Stephen) by John of Whethamsted, abbot of Saint Alban's, William Petit, called William of Newborough, and some other; but plainly (let the rest of his story, and the particulars of Brute be as they can) the name of Brute was long before him in Welsh (out of which his story was partly translated) and Latin testimonies of the Britons, as I have, for the author, more largely spoken, to the first song. And (a little to continue my first justification, for this time) why may not we as well think that many stories and relations, anciently written here, have been by the Picts, Scots, Romans, Danes, Saxons and Normans, devoured up from posterity, which perhaps, had they been left to us, would have ended this controversy? Shall we doubt of what Livy, Polybius, Halicarnasseus, Plutarch, Strabo, and many others have had out of Fabius, Antias, Chereas, Solylus, Ephorus, Theopompus, Cato, Quadrigarius, with infinite other, now lost writers, because we see not the self authors? No, time hath ransackt more precious things, and even those super-excellent books, wherein that incomparable Solomon wrote from the cedar to the hyssop, were (upon fear of the facile multitude's too much respecting natural causes in them divinely handled) by king Ezechias supprest from succeeding ages, if my authority (r) deceive not. So that the loss in this, and all kinds, to the common-wealth of letters, hath been so grievous and irreparable, that we may well imagine, how errour of conceit in some, envy in others, and hostile invasion hath bercft us of many monuments most precious in all sorts of literature, if we now enjoyed their instructing use: and to conclude, the antiquities of these original ages are like those of Rome, between it built and burnt by the Gauls; Cum vetustate nimiâ obscuræ, velut quæ (s) (as Livy says, (t)) magno ex intervallo loci vix cernuntur: tum quod perraræ, per eadem tempora literæ fuêre, una custodia fidelis memoriæ rerum gestarum; quod etiam, si quæ in commentariis pontificum aliisque publicis privatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe, pleraque interiere. But all this in effect the Muse tells you in the sixth canto. To letters never would their mysteries commit. What they taught their scholars for matter of law, heathenish religion, and such learning as they here were presidents of, was delivered only by word of mouth; and, lest memory unused might so fail, they permitted not commission of their lectures and instructions to the custody of writing, but delivered all in a multitude of verses and Pythagorean precepts, exactly imitating the Cabalists; which, until of late time, wrote not, but taught and learned by mouth and diligent hearing of their (r) In Zerror Hammon. apud Munst. ad Exod. 15. ($) "Worn away by devouring time, and the enemies ransacking the city," &c. (t) Dec. 1. lib. 6. Of the Druids see fully to the IX. song. (u) Cæsar. de Bell. Gallic. lib. 6. To (2) Plin. Hist. Nat. 7. cap. 58. &, si placet, videas Annianos illo, Archiloch. de Temporib. Xenoph. in Equivocis. (a) Camd. in Hibernia, &, per Græcas literas in ara Ulyssis in confinio Rhetiæ & Germaniæ, apud Tacitum, Lipsius characteres solummodo intelligit. (b) Nervii de bello Gall. 5. (c)" Wrote it in Greek, lest the enemy might, by intercepting the letters, discover his design." (d) De Bell. Gallic. 1. (e) Geogr. d. (f) "That they wrote their instruments of contract in Greek." (g) Trog. Pomp. Hist. 43. not then why, about Marseilles, Greek was so respected, nor why in the Romaunt French now such Hellenisms are: here you see apparent original of it; yet conclude, upon the former reasons, that the Druids and Gauls used a peculiar tongue, and very likely the same with the now Welsh, as most learned Camden hath even demonstrated; although I know some great scholars there are, which still suspend their judgment, and Weever, the great devotion sings make it a doubt, as ever things of such antiquity WITH as unwearied wings, and in as high a gait will be. But (if you will) add hereto that of the famous and great lawyer Hotoman (h), who presumes that the word Græcis in Cæsar's text is crept in by ignorance of transcribers, as he well might, seeing those commentaries, titled with name of J. Cæsar, commonly published, and in divers MSS. with J. Celsus, are very unperfect, now and then abrupt, different in style, and so variable in their own form, that it hath been much feared by that great critic Lipsius (k), lest some more impolite hand hath sowed many patches of base cloth into that more rich web, as his own metaphor expresses it. And if those characters which are in the pillars at Y-Voellas, in Denbighshire, are of the Druids, as some imagine (yet seeming very strange and uncouth) then might you more confidently concur in opinion with Hotoman. In sum, I know that Græcis literis may be taken as well for the language (as in Justin (1), I remember, and elsewhere) as for the character: but here I can never think it to be understood in any but the last sense, although you admit Cæsar's copy to be therein not interpolated. It is very justifiable which the author here implies, by slighting Cæsar's authority in British originals, in respect that he never came farther into the isle than a little beyond Thames towards Berkshire (m); although some of ours idly talk of his making the Bath, and being at Chester, as the Scotish historians most senselessly of their Julis Hoff built by him, which others refer to Vespasian (n), some affirm it a temple of the god Terminus (0); whereas it seems expressly to be built by Carausius, in time of Dioclesian, if Nennius deceive us not. But, this out my way. (k) Franco-Gall. cap. 2. quem v. etiam ad Cæsar. Com. (k) Elect.2. cap. 7. Epistolic. quæst. 2. cap. 2. () Hist. lib. 20. in extrema. (m) Cæsarem si legas, tibi ipsi satisfacias, verùm & ita Leland ad Cyg. Cant. in Balu. (n) Veremund. ap. Hect. Boet. hist. 3. (0) Buchanan. hist. 4. in Donaldo. POLY-OLBION. THE ELEVENTH SONG. THE ARGUMENT. The Muse, her native earth to see, As when we first set forth, observing every state, The Muse from Cambria comes, with pinions summ'd and sound: shore ; And having put herself upon the English ground, First seizeth in her course the noblest Čestrian [yore, §. Of our great English bloods as careful here of As Cambria of her Brute's now is, or could bethen; [of men. For which, our proverb calls her, Cheshire, chief S. And of our counties, place of palatine doth hold, And thereto hath her high regalities enroll'd: came, Her people she hath prov'd, to her eternal fame. But as abroad in war, he spent of his estate; Their yeomanry and still endeavour'd to uphold. advance Dee! (From which thou tak'st thy name) fair Chester, call'd of old [did hold, §. Carlegion; whilst proud Rome her conquests here Of those her legions known the faithful station then, [Wales men; So stoutly held to tack by those near NorthYet by her own right name had rather called be, §. As her the Britons term'd, the fortress upon Dee, Than vainly she would seem a miracle to stand, Th'imaginary work of some huge giant's hand: Which if such ever were, tradition tells not who. But back a while, my Muse: to Weever let us go, [doth scorn; Which (with himself compar'd) each British flood His fountain and his fall, both Chester's rightly born; [doth divide, The country in his course, that clean through Cut in two equal shares upon his either side: And, what the famous flood far more than that enriches, [Wyches, The bracky fountains are, those two renowned The Nant-wych, and the North; whose either briny well, For store and sorts of salts, make Weever to excel. Besides their general use, not had by him in vain, §. But in himself thereby doth holiness retain Above his fellow floods: whose healthful virtues taught, [sought, Hath of the sea-gods oft caus'd Weever to be For physic in their need: and Thetis oft hath [been seen, When by their wanton sports her Ner'ides have So sick, that Glaucus' self bath failed in their She sends up stocks of trees, that on the top do float; race: By which the world her first did for a wonder note. His handmaid Howty next to Weever holds her [apace When Peever, with the help of Pickmere, makes To put in with those streams his sacred steps that tread, Into the mighty waste of Mersey him to lead. Where, when the rivers meet, with all their stately train, Proud Mersey is so great in ent'ring of the main, As he would make a show for empery to stand, And wrest the three-forkt mace from out grim Neptune's hand; To Cheshire highly bound for that his wat'ry store, As to the grosser loughs on the Lancastrian shore. From hence he getteth Goyt down from her peakish spring, Assuming broader banks, himself so proudly bears, That at his stern approach, extended Wyrral fears, That (what betwixt his floods of Mersey, and the Dee) In very little time devoured he might be: Out of the foaming surge till Hilbre lifts his head, To let the foreland see how richly he had sped. Which Mersey cheers so much, that with a smiling brow [that throw He fawns on both those floods; their amorous arms About his goodly neck, and bar'd their swelling breasts: [he rests, On which whilst lull'd with ease, his pleased cheek The Naiads, sitting near upon the aged rocks, Are busied with their combs, to braid his verdant locks, Whilst in their crystal eyes he doth for Cupids look: But Delamere from them his fancy quickly took, Who shows herself all drest in most delicious [bowers flowers; And sitting like a queen, sees from her shady The wanton wood-nymphs mixt with her lightfooted fauns, To lead the rural routs about the goodly lawns, As over holt and heath, as thorough frith 3 and fell*; And oft at barly-break, and prison-base to tell (In carrolds as they course) each other all the joys, The passages, deceits, the sleights, the amorous toys The subtle sea-nymphs had, their Wyrral's love to win. But Weever now again to warn them doth begin To leave these trivial toys, which inly he did hate, That neither them beseem'd,nor stood with his estate (Being one that gave himself industriously to know What monuments our kings erected long ago: To which, the flood himself so wholly did apply, As though upon his skill, the rest should all rely) And bent himself to show, that yet the Britons bold, Whom the laborions Muse so highly had extoll'd, Those later Saxon kings excell'd not in their deeds, And therefore with their praise thus zealously proceeds; "Whilst the celestial powers th' arrived time attend, [end, When o'er this general isle the Britons' reign should And for the spoiling Pict here-prosp'rously had wrought, waste Into th' afflicted land which strong invasion brought, And to that proud attempt, what yet his power might want, [supplant, The ill-disposed Heavens, Brute's offspring to Their angry plagues down pour'd, insatiate in their [struction haste.) (Needs must they fall, whom Heaven doth to deAnd that which lastly came to consummate the [press'd Those prouder Saxon powers (which liberally they Against th' invading Pict, of purpose hired in) From those which paid them wage, the island soon did win; rest, And sooner overspread, being masters of the field; Those, first for whom they fought, too impotent to wield A land within itself that had so great a foe; And therefore thought it fit them wisely to bestow; Which over Severn here they in the mountains shut, [they put. And some upon that point of Cornwal forth Yet forced were they there their stations to defend. "Nor could our men permit the Britons to descend [as high, From Jove or Mars alone; but brought their blood §. From Woden, by which name they styled Mercury. [fore, Nor were the race of Brute, which ruled here beMore zealous to the gods they brought unto this shore, Than Hengist's noble heirs; their idols that to raise, [days. §. Here put their German names upon our weekly "These noble Saxons were a nation hard and strong, | On sundry lands and seas in warfare nuzzled long; Affliction throughly knew; and in proud fortune's spite, [might: Even in the jaws of death had dar'd her utmost Who under Hengist first, and Horsa, their brave chiefs, From Germany 'arriv'd, and with the strong reliefs Of th' Angles and the Jutes, them ready to supply, Which anciently had been of their affinity, By Scythia first sent out, which could not give them meat, [seat. Were fore'd to seek a soil wherein themselves to 'See, concerning their coming, to the 1st, 4th, and 8th songs. Them at the last on Dansk their ling'ring fortune drave, [gave. Where Holst unto their troops sufficient harbour In Kent; where his great heirs, ere other princes And of the rest, not least renowned of their line, To preach the faith of Christ, was first did hither Wise Augustine the monk, from holy Gregory sent. This most religious king, with most devout intent, That mighty fane to Paul, in London did erect, And privileges gave, this temple to protect. "His equal then in zeal, came Ercombert again, From that first christ'ned king, the second in that reign. The gluttony then us'd severely to suppress, And make men fit to prayer (much hinder'd by excess) §. That abstinence from flesh for forty days began, Which by the name of Lent is known to every man. [done, "As mighty Hengist here, by force of arms had §. So Ella coming in, soon from the Britons won The countries neighb'ring Kent; which lying from the main thereby Directly to the south, did properly obtain The Southern Saxons' name; and not the last [archy: Amongst the other reigns which made the heptSo in the high descent of that South-Saxon king, We in the bead-roll here of our religious bring Wise Ethelwald: alone who Christian not became, But willing that his folk should all receive the name, [receiv'd §. Saint Wilfrid (sent from York) into this realm (Whom the Northumbrian folk had of his see bereav'd) And on the south of Thames, a seat did him afford, By whom that people first receiv'd the saving word. "As likewise from the loins of Erchinwin (who rais'd [be prais'd: Th' East-Saxons' kingdom first) brave Sebert may Which, as that king of Kent, had with such cost and state Built Paul's; his greatness so (this king to imitate) Began the goodly church of Westminster to rear; The primer English kings so truly zealous were. Then Sebba of his seed, that did them al Who fitter for a shrine than for a scepter was, "Whose nephew Uffa next, indam'd with his high praise (Enriching that proud fane his grandsire first did raise) Abandoned the world he found so full of strife, a "Nor these our princes here, of that pure Saxon | Ordaining godly laws for governing this land, strain, [reign. Of all the Saxon kings the Solon he shall stand. Which took unto themselves each one their several "From Otta (born with him who did this isle For their so goodly deeds deserved greater fame, invade) Than th' Angles their allies, that hither with them Those christ'ned Angles then of purpose to devour: And suff'ring with his folk, by Penda's heathenish pride, As he a saint had liv'd, a constant martyr dy'd. "When, after it fell out, that Offa had not long [wrong, Held that by cruel force, which Penda got by §. Adopting for his heir young Edmond, brought him in, [win: Even at what time the Danes this island sought to Who christ'ned soon became, and as religious grown As those most heathenish were who set him on his throne, Did expiate in that place his predecessors' guilt, Which so much Christian blood so cruelly had spilt. For, taken by the Danes, who did all tortues try, His Saviour Jesus Christ to force him to deny; First beating him with bats, but no advantage got, His body full of shafts then cruelly they shot; The constant martyr'd king, a saint thus justly crown'd. To whom even in that place, that monument renown'd Those after-ages built to his eternal fame. Bury's' name? "As of those Angles here, so from their loins again, [Sexian reign, Whose hands hew'd out their way to the West(From Kenrick, or that claim from Cerdick to descend) A partnership in fame great Ina might pretend His power t' advance the church in true sincerity? ? In Suffolk. And had a conquest first of the Northumbrians made, And tributary long of mightier Hengist held, For which his cruel spoil upon the Christians made In all the seven-fold rule an absoluter king; that lent: §. Who re-ordained York a bishop's government; And so much lov'd the poor, that in the ways of trade, Where fountains fitly were, he iron dishes made, And fast'ned them with chains the way-farer to ease, [pease. And the poor pilgrim's thirst, there resting, to ap"As Mercia, 'mongst the rest, sought not the least to raise [praise. The saving Christian faith, nor merits humbler §. Nor those that from the stem of Saxon Creda came (The Britons who expulst) were any whit in fame, For piety and zeal, behind the others best; Though heath'nish Penda long and proudly did infest [all to bow; The christ'ned neighbouring kings, and fore'd them Till Oswy made to God a most religious row, Of his abundant grace would he be pleas'd to grant, That he this Paynim prince in battle might supplant A recluse he would give his daughter and delight, Sweet Alfled then in youth, and as the morning, bright: And having his request, he gave as he obtain'd; Though his unnatural hands succeeding Wulpher stain'd [had In his own children's blood, whom their dear mother §. Confirm'd in Christ's belief, by that most reverend Chad: Yet to embrace the faith when after he began If possible it were to expiate his guilt, A crowned queen, for him, becaine a veiled nun. Or than our Kinred here, a more religious king? Otta, brother to Hengist. |