Sivut kuvina
PDF
ePub

sion, and thenceforward the strait was open and free to the commerce of the world.

The attack was followed by a demand on the Shogunate by the ministers of the four participating powers for an indemnity, which was fixed at $3,000,000, and after some delay and great embarrassment, because of the poverty of the treasury, it was paid. An equal share of the indemnity was allotted to each nation, although Great Britain had furnished the greater portion of the armament. The exaction of the indemnity under the circumstances has been the subject of much adverse criticism. The attempt to close the port was in violation of international law; but it was not the act of the government with which the powers had relations, and it claimed that, if time was afforded, it would bring about the removal of the obstruction. The sum paid to the United States remained in the treasury unused for twenty years. The public conscience was troubled as to the justness of the exaction, and in 1883 by an act of Congress the amount received was returned to Japan, and accepted by that government "as a strong manifestation of that spirit of justice and equity which has always animated the United States in its relations with Japan." None of the other three nations partaking of the indemnity have seen fit to follow this example.1

An incident connected with the Shimonoseki affair occurred which was not without influence on the later history of Japan. The year before, two youths, mem

1 U. S. Dip. Cor. 1863-4, "Japan "; 22 Statutes at L. 421; U. S. For. Rel. 1883, p. 606; Griffis's Mikado, 593.

bers of the Choshiu clan, had escaped from the country through Yokohama, notwithstanding the death penalty for such an act. Being inspired with the foreign-hating spirit of their prince, they went abroad for the purpose of learning what it was that made the Western nations formidable, in order that they might return and make use of their knowledge against the intruder. They made their way to London as common sailors, and there heard of the resolution of the Mikado to expel the barbarians, and of the war which threatened their country as a consequence. Their patriotic fervor led them to return. They reached Shimonoseki just at the time of the attack of the foreign squadrons, and acted as interpreters to their prince in the peace negotiations. As Marquis Ito and Count Inouye they are known among the public men of the "New Japan" as having borne an honorable and conspicuous part in its regeneration.

The effect of the severe lessons taught the powerful daimios of Satsuma and Choshiu by the foreign fleets was to convince them of the folly of continuing further their opposition to the barbarians, and that it would be the wiser policy for their country to avail itself of the influences and methods which had made the Western nations so powerful. These lessons were not without their effect also upon other of the Mikado's supporters, and the court of Kioto, while it continued its efforts to destroy the power of the Shogun, relaxed its opposition to the treaties and to foreign residence and commerce. The first important manifestation in this direction was the sanction by the Mikado of the treaties which the Shogun had made with the powers.

When Commodore Perry negotiated his treaty in 1854, he supposed that he was holding relations with the government of the emperor of Japan. He died without knowing his error. The treaties negotiated with the European powers succeeding that of Perry were signed by their representatives under the same delusion. The real conditions of the Japanese system of government had been fully set forth several years before in publications at Canton,' but do not seem to have been brought to the attention of Perry and those who immediately followed him. It has been seen that the true relation between the Shogun and the Mikado began to dawn upon Harris in the midst of the tortuous negotiations in which he was involved, and soon thereafter they were fully understood. It is to be noted, however, that no other course was open to those early negotiators than the one pursued by them. The Shogun had in his hands the executive functions of government, and at the time the Mikado did not possess even the semblance of power.

Mr. Pruyn, both separately and in conjunction with his European colleagues, had repeatedly urged upon the Shogunate that it should obtain from the Mikado his approval of the treaties. In 1865 the Shogun and his ministers had taken up their temporary residence at Osaka, in order to be near the Mikado, and from that place they reported to the representatives of the foreign powers at Yokohama that the two heads of government were in friendly accord, and that the Shogun expected

1 2 Chinese Repository (1833), p. 319; 9 Ib. (1840), p. 500; 10 Ib. (1841), p. 10.

soon to go to Kioto and obtain the Mikado's sanction of the treaties. Finally the diplomats, wearied with the delay, decided to go to Osaka in a body and bring about the much desired result. They were escorted by a squadron of nine men-of-war of different nationalities, and in a short time after their arrival the Mikado's order was published (November 24, 1865), and sent to all the daimios, giving "imperial consent to the treaties."

The value of such action was that thereafter opposition to the treaties and to foreigners would be a violation of the emperor's edict. Up to that time opposition to them had been evidence of loyalty to the Mikado. The result was a marked improvement in the attitude of the people towards the foreign residents, although attacks upon them by lawless persons did not entirely cease. The American legation was again established at Yedo, where it has since continued undisturbed. Mr. Pruyn, who had served his country as minister through four years of very trying experience, with much usefulness to the government and credit to himself, resigned, and was succeeded in 1866 by R. B. Van Valkenburgh.

During this year another evidence of the liberal tendency of the Mikado's government was the repeal of the decree, which had been in force for more than two hundred years, prohibiting the Japanese from leaving their country. In transmitting notice of this repeal to his government, the American minister says, " Another barrier of Japanese isolation has thus been removed."

It does not fall within the scope of this volume to trace the internal contest which resulted in the transformation of the system of government of Japan. It

became apparent from the civil war in progress and the attitude of the treaty powers that the welfare of the country demanded the restoration of full power to the Mikado. One of the leading supporters of the Shogun, reflecting the sentiments of many of the daimios of his party, addressed an appeal to his chief, in the course of which he said: "The march of events has brought about a revolution, and the old system can no longer be obstinately persevered in. You should restore the governing power into the hands of the sovereign, and so lay the foundation on which Japan may take its stand as the equal of all other countries. This is the imperative duty of the present moment, and is the heartfelt prayer of Yodo."

Impressed with the wisdom of the course indicated in this appeal, the Shogun addressed a manifesto to his adherents, in which he stated that "It appears to me the laws cannot be maintained in the face of the daily extension of our foreign relations, unless the government is conducted by one head, and I purpose therefore to surrender the whole governing power into the hands of the Imperial Court." This was followed by the formal tender of his resignation, which was accepted by the Mikado. Many of his followers, however, refused to acquiesce in the transfer of the executive power, and the civil war continued for a time; but the Mikado was in the end completely triumphant.

The recognition of the Mikado as emperor was soon followed by an audience granted by him to the foreign diplomatic representatives, and later by the transfer of the seat of government to Yedo, which thenceforward

« EdellinenJatka »