in the United States, taking refuge in Japan. His arrest could not be demanded in the absence of an extradition treaty, but the Japanese government as an act of comity caused his delivery for trial in the United States, and in friendly reciprocity the convention was signed. The British government, on the other hand, claimed that, under the principle of exterritoriality, it had the right without such a convention to follow a British fugitive from justice into any part of Japanese territory, arrest, and carry him back to England for trial. Such a claim was only equaled by the disregard of the government quarantine regulations in the treaty ports.

Count Inouye's conferences having been broken up because of the indignation of the Japanese people, Count Okuma, his successor in the foreign office, sought to take advantage of a difference of views existing among the European representatives, and to revise the treaties with each nation separately. He reached a basis of agreement with Germany, France, and Russia, but Great Britain still held out, and, while laboring to secure an adjustment with that power, an attempt on his life was made by a fanatic, who had been wrought up by an excessive patriotic fervor to believe the minister was about to betray his country. Being severely wounded, Okuma likewise abandoned his efforts and gave up his office. The attitude of the European powers had created a conservative reaction, and the public sentiment was such at the time that an unwillingness was manifested to allow the country to be thrown open to foreigners, even in exchange for the

abolition of the judicial and tariff provisions of the treaty. Disheartened in its labors, the government decided to abandon further attempts at treaty revision, in the hope that time would work out the deliverance of the nation.1

But it did not slacken the movement for reform, and on the two thousand five hundred and forty-ninth anniversary of the foundation of the dynasty there occurred the most momentous event in Japanese history and the crowning work in the regeneration of the country the promulgation by the emperor of the imperial constitution, accompanied by his solemn oath to observe and enforce it, and also by a decree for the election of an imperial diet or parliament. The promulgation was made by the emperor in the throne-room of the palace with stately ceremonies, and was witnessed by the diplomatic representatives who had so recently refused to recognize the advance which the empire had made in governmental and social reorganization, and who were still unwilling to admit it into the family of nations.2

The patience and forbearance of Japanese statesmanship, however, at last had its reward in a notable triumph over Western diplomacy. The war with China had thrown a fresh light on oriental affairs. A new people had appeared above the horizon of international politics, not only able to defend their independence,

1 The United States in the Far East, by R. B. Hubbard, Richmond, 1900, chap. xvi.; Norman's Far East, 385; Chamberlain's Things Japanese, 443 Atlantic Monthly, 1887, pp. 728-733; Nitobe's Intercourse, etc. 105; U. S. For. Rel. 1886, p. 564; 8 Presidents' Messages, 402, 501. 2 U. S. For. Rel. 1889, p. 536; Murray's Story of Japan, 394; Minister Kurimo in N. A. Rev. May, 1895, p. 624.

but to make their power felt in the counsels and contests of the nations. Russia, Germany, and France had combined to rescue China from Japanese control, and Great Britain, separated from the great continental powers, found in Japan a convenient and useful ally. The British government was not slow to realize the situation. Even before the war had fairly begun and when the triple alliance in Asiatic affairs was still inchoate, it had taken the step which was essential to an alliance with the Japanese empire.

The highest ambition of that empire was to secure release from the bondage in which it was held by the treaties with the Western powers. No nation could be its friend and ally which was not ready to yield that point. The British government signified its readiness to take up the revision, and, from being the recalcitrant power, it became the one most prompt to accept the conditions proposed by Japan. The latter, also, had changed its position. It no longer thought of foreign judges in its courts, as it proposed in 1886. When it declared war against China and marshaled its army and navy for the contest, it was not alone to settle its differences with its neighbor, but to achieve its independence and sovereignty among the nations of the earth. Great Britain recognized that Japan had at last reached the goal of its twenty-two years' diplomatic struggle, and in 1894 entered into a treaty whereby the practice of exterritoriality was to be completely abolished, the whole country was to be opened to foreign residents, and the statutory tariff of Japan was to control the imposts, from and after 1899; and

meanwhile the foreign residents at the treaty ports were to prepare for the change.

The United States had negotiated such a treaty soon after the adjournment of the revision conference of 1886-87, and stood ready to put it in force as soon as Great Britain, its commercial competitor, could be brought to a similar agreement. When the British treaty was assured, the negotiations were taken up at Washington, a treaty was signed November 22, 1894, and promptly ratified and proclaimed. All the other treaty powers followed with little delay, and the day was thus fixed for the release of Japan from its thralldom.

The revision of the treaties was not popular with the foreign residents of the empire. They looked forward with foreboding to the application to their persons and business of the Japanese laws. The American and British residents especially were filled with anxiety, and petitioned their governments to secure some exemption from the laws respecting land tenures, newspapers, and bail or imprisonment in view of the conditions of the Japanese jails. But their governments decided that it was but fair to allow the Japanese laws to go into operation, and, if hardships and injustice were experienced, to trust to the imperial government to remedy the defects through legislation or amendment of the treaties.

As the day of jubilee approached the emperor issued a notable rescript or proclamation, announcing the coming event, in which he said, "it is a source of heartfelt gratification to us that, in the sequel

of exhaustive planning and repeated negotiations, an agreement has been come to with the powers, and the revision of the treaties, our long-cherished aim, is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact; a result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities of our empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of our friendship with foreign countries." And he appealed in affectionate terms to his subjects, officials, and people, to so conduct themselves that every source of dissatisfaction might be avoided, and that subjects and strangers might enjoy equal privileges and dwell together in peace.

The rescript was followed by notifications from the cabinet and ministers of all the departments to their subordinates, warning them to so enforce the laws and so conduct themselves that foreigners might "be enabled to reside in the country confidently and contentedly." The appeal of the emperor in that great crisis of his country was most affecting, and had a profound influence on the masses of the people, who had been trained to believe in his divine origin and that he was guided in his conduct by his ancestors of glorious memory and achievements.1

It is gratifying to note that the foreboding of the foreign residents has not been realized, and that since 1899 they have lived in as full an enjoyment of peace and protection of the laws of the empire as if under the governments of Christendom. The manner in which

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1890, p. 450; 1899, p. 469; U. S. Treaties in force, 352; Norman's Far East, 387; Ransome's Japan in Transition, chaps. xi. and xvi.; Morris's Advance Japan, p. xiv.