had been punished, and that no more death penalties should be exacted. Through their influence, and that of the Japanese minister, the death penalties were confined to four others, and lesser punishments applied to about fifty.

The question of indemnity was even more difficult of settlement than that of punishments, for in it a measure of cupidity was added to the natural feelings of vengeance. From the beginning the United States had favored a lump sum, in place of filing itemized individual and governmental claims, as the latter would enormously increase the aggregate amount. It was with difficulty and after much delay that this point was gained; and then the amount of this lump sum was a still more debated question. Sir Robert Hart, who was advising both the Chinese and the allies, stated that China could not pay more than $250,000,000 to $300,000,000. Mr. Rockhill proposed that the lump sum should not exceed China's ability to pay, and that the powers would scale down their claims to that amount; that it should be divided equitably among the powers; and that if they could not agree among themselves to an apportionment, that question should be submitted to the Hague Tribunal. These propositions did not meet with approval, Russia and Japan only agreeing to the reference to The Hague, and Japan alone supporting the scaling down of the claims. This action was the more significant in view of the fact that of the five powers principally involved, the claim of the United States was the lowest, and that of Japan next.

The amount of the indemnity to be paid by China

was finally fixed at 450,000,000 taels, payable in gold at the rate of exchange fixed in the protocol, with interest at four per centum, in annual payments covering thirty-nine years.1

The negotiations on the details had dragged along through weary months and the protocol or peace agreement was not signed by the representatives of the powers and the Chinese plenipotentiaries till September 7, 1901. In addition to the subject of the punishments and indemnity above noticed, the following were its most important provisions: A special embassy to be sent to Germany to convey to the emperor the regret of the Chinese government for the death of Baron von Ketteler, the German minister, and a monument with appropriate inscription to be erected by China on the spot of his assassination; similar action respecting the assassination of the chancellor of the Japanese legation; the suspension of official examinations for five

1 The claims of the various governments were as follows:

years in all the cities where foreigners were massacred or cruelly treated; the erection by China of expiatory monuments in all foreign cemeteries which had been desecrated; prohibition of the importation of firearms for two years; a quarter of Peking set aside for the legations, with the right to maintain foreign guards; the Taku forts to be razed; certain points, named, between the capital and the sea to be occupied by foreign troops; the death penalty to be inflicted on all who become members of anti-foreign societies; viceroys and all subordinate officials to be dismissed where anti-foreign riots occur and the authors are not punished; new treaties of commerce to be negotiated, and the river navigation to Tientsin and Shanghai to be improved; the Tsung-li-Yamen abolished and succeeded by a new board, the Wai-wu Pu, which should take precedence over the other ministries; and a court ceremonial agreed upon in conformity with Western usage.1

The influence of the United States was plainly noticeable throughout the negotiations, especially in restraining radical measures and in modifying the action respecting the indemnities. While it supported the efforts to punish the really guilty leaders, and was firm in demanding measures which would guarantee the protection of American citizens and interests for the future,

1 For negotiations, U. S. For. Rel. 1900, pp. 285-382; Rockhill's Report, S. Ex. Doc. 67, 57th Cong. 1st Sess., published also as appendix to For. Rel. 1901; Secretary Hay's note, July 3, 1900, Rockhill's Report, 12; Russia's announcement, Aug. 28, ib. 19; German note, Sept. 18, ib. 23; British-German agreement, Oct. 16, ib. 31; French basis of negotiations, Oct. 4, ib. 26; joint note of powers, Dec. 22, ib. 59; statement of indemnities, ib. 225; final protocol, ib. 312.

it manifested anxiety that nothing should be done to cripple or impede the ability of China in the maintenance of a stable government and its territorial integrity. Hence it was necessary to continue in the concert of the powers and as far as possible control their action to that end.

Its success in bringing about an agreement for a lump sum for indemnities, to be apportioned among the nations, was of vast importance. If each power had acted separately respecting the indemnities, the one possible method other than a loan, which would have imposed foreign management of the revenues, would have been the occupation of sections of territory by the powers, each one utilizing its own sphere as a source of revenue in payment of claims. This condition once inaugurated would have been difficult to change.

In 1899, just before the Boxer outbreak, Secretary Hay, fearing the effects which might result to American commerce from the apparent intention of certain European powers to appropriate Chinese territory at will, or to extend over it their "spheres of influence," addressed the governments of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, France, Italy, and Japan, urging that it was to the interest of the world's commerce that the government of China should be strengthened and its integrity maintained, and submitting for their assent certain principles which should be respected in that territory, whereby that populous empire should remain an open market for the world. These principles were accepted by all the governments named, and the American Secretary received deserved credit among all nations for his

firm and timely action.' Doubtless he foresaw during the negotiations that unless the powers could be held to joint action in accepting the lump sum in settlement of their indemnity claims, his policy of the " open door" would have been placed in peril.

Since the protocol was signed, the United States has had another opportunity of showing its consideration for China in her humiliation and financial distress. During the year 1902 the first installment on the indemnities was to be paid. But since the basis of settlement was agreed upon, silver, which is the currency of China, has greatly fallen in value, making it much more onerous to meet the obligation. China appealed to the powers to allow the installment to be paid at the rate of exchange when the settlement was made, and the United States is the only power which has manifested a willingness to grant the appeal.

The conditions imposed upon China in the peace protocol would seem to be adequate to prevent any widespread anti-foreign uprisings in the future. But the hatred of the stranger still prevails throughout the empire, and the extortionate spirit of the powers has placed in the protocol a provision which is likely to prove a continued source of irritation and to feed the flames of discontent. Against the remonstrance of the United States and of those best informed as to the financial ability of China, a burden of indemnity has been placed upon the government which it will be very difficult for it to carry. To meet this obligation additional taxes must be laid upon the people, and the knowledge 1 H. Ex. Doc. 547, 56th Cong. 1st Sess.