Mr. Dixon to Mr. Seward. SENATE, June 12, 1866. I respectfully call the attention of Mr. Seward to the within, and ask his interposition, if consistent with the public interest. JAMES DIXON. HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT, June 11, 1866. The undersigned, citizens of the city of Hartford, in the State of Connecticut, respectfully represent that Thomas J. Hynes, a native of Ireland, who emigrated to this country in the year 1857, and who is now about twenty-four years of age, a resident of said city of Hartford, and a naturalized citizen of the United States, and a man of good character and repute, sailed from New York on the 21st of April last for Europe, for the benefit of his health, and to make a visit to his parents, who reside in Cashentray, in the county of West Meath, Ireland, and with the intention of bringing his father to this country with him on his return. That previous to his departure he was in the employment of the State Bank of this city, and obtained a leave of absence from the bank for two months, intending to return at the expiration of that time. A passage ticket for his father was forwarded to him on the 10th of May, and we are entirely satisfied that his journey was solely for the purposes before mentioned, and had no relation to any political movement whatever. On the 18th day of May, 1866, while stepping from a steamer at the North Wall, Dublin, the said Thomas J. Hynes was arrested as a Fenian emissary, and has since been confined in Richmond Bridewell, as we learn from the public prints and from his brother, Captain James L. Hynes, of Hartford. The said Thomas J. Hynes has three brothers residing in Hartford, all respectable natu ralized citizens, who feel the greatest distress on account of their brother's situation, and the greatest solicitude for his safety. On his own and his brother's behalf we take the liberty to respectfully request that the proper steps may be taken through your department to obtain, if possible, his release from arrest and confinement. His friends have not been able to hear from him since his arrest. Circular to the diplomatic agents and consuls of the United States. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 18, 1866. GENTLEMEN: Your attention is specially invited to the subjoined order of this date, relative to the payment of appropriate honors to the memory of the late Lewis Cass, whose last official public service was rendered to his country as the head of this department. You will cause the flags of your several offices to be displayed at half-mast on the reception of this circular, and will adopt the usual symbols of public mourning for a period of thirty days. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 18, 1866. The President directs the undersigned to perform the painful duty of announcing to the people of the United States that Lewis Cass, distinguished not more by faithful service in varied public trusts than by exalted patriotism at a recent period of political disorder, de parted this life at 4 o'clock yesterday morning. The several executive departments of the government will cause appropriate honors to be rendered to the memory of the deceased, at home and abroad, wherever the national name and authority are acknowledged. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 1219.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, June 21, 1866. SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department, Nos. 1772 and 1773. The information received in the first of these, dated the 4th instant, came in ́ confirmation of the telegraphic intelligence printed in the newspapers. The effect of the action of the government upon the public mind here has been very great. I have received in social circles the most marked and pointed expressions of their sense of it from many leading persons of both parties. At no time since the revolution has the reputation of the country stood so high in Europe as it does now. I am the more gratified in mentioning this fact, the natural consequence of the firm and elevated policy pursued by the government since the year 1861, that it does not seem to me to have been as yet so fully appreciated at home as it should be. By a singular coincidence the declaration of war by Prussia and Italy against Austria was issued on the 18th instant, the very same day that the domestic struggle in the House of Commons here on the reform bill was brought to an end by the defeat of the ministry on an incidental vote, and their resignation. The Queen having, against the advice of the cabinet, betaken herself to the most remote part of the kingdom for a time, causes, by her absence at such a distance, a period of suspense in the arrangement, which has necessi tated an adjournment of Parliament over to Monday. As yet nothing more definite is known. The general expectation is that Lord Derby will be called upon to form a new combination out of the heterogeneous elements before him. In the face of the complication in Europe, which is daily assuming greater proportions, as well as the very limited support which his lordship can be sure of in the present House of Commons for any policy which he would be likely to pursue, it seems as if an appeal to the country could not be very long delayed. This can hardly fail to be the signal for the commencement of a popular agitation which may before it ends shake the country to its foundations. If the estimate of the liberal party be correct, that this reform bill embraces a grant of the suffrage to two hundred thousand of the adult male population, it can scarcely be imagined that so material an element in the state will have no power ultimately to affect its opinions even though unable to take any immediate part in its action. These people have the advantage of the concessions which have been wrung from all sides of the substantial justice of their claim to consideration. Here is a nucleus around which must gather every kind of discontent that may be developed by events. I cannot help thinking that the aristocracy, which in its terror of John Bright and the influence of American institutions, has refused to accept the very moderate change now proposed, will run the risk of being forced in the end to consent to a much more radical and extensive one. The longer the claims are denied, the more overpowering may be their final success. But as we are now only at the threshold, it is of course out of the question to pretend to see far into the distance of the future. I shall endeavor to keep you informed of the facts as they gradually disclose themselves to the public observation. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. No. 1220.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have received this week a complaint made by Captain Freeman, of the ship Kentuckian, at Sunderland, in the form of a protest against the action of the authorities of that place in releasing a certain number of his crew, confined by him on board, under advice of the United States consular agent, for threatening to desert the ship. Not only did they do this, but they also inflicted a fine on him for what they allege to have been an unjust assault. The vice-consul at Newcastle, Mr. Orwin, has submitted to me a statement of the facts, and asked of me instructions what to do. This has led me to an examination of the correspondence heretofore carried on with the British government by my predecessors in this legation on the general subject to which this com plaint belongs. I find that, without the presence of any treaty stipulations touching this matter, there is no power whatever to control the action of the local authorities upon all cases of desertion or mutiny or refusal to work among seamen belonging to foreign vessels in the ports of this kingdom. It does, however, appear that, in consequence of complaints made by foreign powers, an act was passed by Parliament in 1852, designed to meet this case. It was, however, predicated upon a condition of corresponding legislation on their part, which, so far as the United States were concerned, interposed at that time an insuperable barrier to their acceptance of it. The old question of the status of the slaves reappeared, and, as was commonly the case in that day, overpowered every argument in favor of action based on other grounds. This obstacle is now entirely removed, so that it may be deserving of your consideration whether some measures may not now be expedient in order to secure for our merchantmen the protection of the provisions of this law. To this end, instead of occupying your time in going over the argument or recapitulating the facts connected with former negotiations, I shall confine myself to the task of pointing out, in the list annexed to this despatch, the precise despatches embracing the history of the matter, by reference to which in the records of the department you will be at once put in possession of the merits of the case. As it is barely possible that you might not find among them a printed copy of the act of 1852 itself, I have the honor to transmit one herewith. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Memorandum as to the foreign deserters act. Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Marcy, No. 62, of 9th of March, 1855-reports that Lord Clarendon had proposed that the United States shall accede to the act, but Mr. B. refused. Same to same, No. 78, of 29th of June, 1855-Lord Clarendon renews his proposal, and it is again refused. Mr. Appleton to Mr. Dallas, No. 73, of 25th of June, 1857-it might be well for Mr. Dallas to have the act extended to vessels of United States citi zens. Mr. Dallas to General Cass, No. 62, of 17th of July, 1857-he points out Mr. Buchanan's refusal to accede to the act, and asks further instructions. General Cass to Mr. Dallas, No. 76, of 3d of August, 1857-Mr. Dallas's objections approved, and the instructions to accede to the act revoked. Nothing has been done since then in the matter. CAP. XXVI. AN ACT to enable her Majesty to carry into effect arrangements made with foreign powers for the apprehension of seamen who desert from their ships. Whereas arrangements have been made with certain foreign powers for the recovery of seamen deserting from the ships of such powers when in British ports, and for the recovery of seamen deserting from British ships when in the ports of such powers; and whereas it is expedient to enable her Majesty to carry such arrangements into effect, and likewise to enable her Majesty to carry into effect any similar arrangements of a like nature which may be made hereafter: Be it enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows: I. Whenever it is made to appear to her Majesty that due facilities are or will be given for recovering and apprehending seamen who desert from British merchant ships in the territories of any foreign power, her Majesty may, by order in council stating that such facilities are or will be given, declare that seamen, not being slaves, who desert from merchant ships belonging to a subject of such power, when within her Majesty's dominions or the territories of the East India Company, shall be liable to be apprehended and carried on board their respective ships, and may limit the operation of such order, and may render the operation thereof subject to such conditions and qualifications, if any, as may be deemed expedient. II. Upon such publication as hereinafter mentioned of any such order in council, then, during such time as the same remains in force, and subject to such limitations and qualifications, if any, as may be therein contained, every justice of the peace or other officer having jurisdiction in the case of seamen who desert from British merchant ships in her Majesty's dominions or in the territories of the East India Company shall, on application being made by a consul of the foreign power to which such order in council relates, or his deputy or representative, aid in apprehending any seaman or apprentice who deserts from any merchant ship belonging to a subject of such power, and may for that purpose, upon complaint on oath duly made, issue his warrant for the apprehension of any such deserter, and, upon due proof of the desertion, order him to be conveyed on board the vessel to which he be longs, or to be delivered to the master or mate of such vessel, or to the owner of such vessel or his agent, to be so conveyed; and thereupon it shall be lawful for the person ordered to convey such deserter, or for the master or mate of such vessel, or the owner or his agent, (as the case may require,) to convey him on board accordingly. III. If any person protects or harbors any deserter who is liable to be apprehended under this act, knowing or having reason to believe that he has deserted, such person shall for every offence be liable to a penalty not exceeding ten pounds, and every such penalty shall be recovered, paid, and applied in the same manner as penalties for harboring or protecting deserters from British merchant ships. IV. Every order in council to be made under the authority of this act shall be published in the London Gazette as soon as may be after the making thereof. V. Her Majesty may, by order in council, from time to time revoke or alter any order in council previously made under the authority of this act. VI. This act may be cited as the "foreign deserters act, 1852." June 17, 1852. No. 1792.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 26, 1866. SIR Referring to instruction No. 1743 from this department in regard to the disposition to be made by you of the first instalment of the Simonoseki indemnity, which has been paid by the Japanese government, I now transmit for your information, and with a view to the carrying out of the instructions upon that subject heretofore sent you, a copy of a despatch* of the 13th of April from Mr. Portman, our chargé d'affaires ad interim at Yedo, together with the original receipt, in quadruplicate, signed by the officer in charge of the British commission at Yokohama, for the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, ($500,000,) or one hundred and six thousand and two hundred and fifty pounds sterling (£106,250.) I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. * For enclosure see correspondence with Japan. No. 1223.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception from the department of despatches numbered from 1774 to 1781, inclusive. The event not unanticipated in some of my previous despatches has at last taken place. A sufficient consolidation of the disaffected elements of the ministerial party was at last made on an amendment to one clause of the enfranchisement bill, materially to change its general character. As a consequence, the only alternative to the resignation of the ministry was a dissolution of Parliament. After much consultation it was not deemed expedient to have recourse to this, so that on Tuesday Lord Russell in the upper house, and Mr. Gladstone in the commons, announced that the Queen had that day accepted their resignation. She had manifested much reluctance to do so, mainly, it is understood, from her confidence in Lord Clarendon's management of the foreign department, and her unwillingness to part with him at this moment of embroilment in the affars of the continent. It was not until Wednesday that the Earl of Derby was sent for. He has since been engaged in the necessary consultations with his friends and those disaffected liberals from whom he must obtain promises of co-operation as a condition precedent to any thought of assuming the reins. It is supposed that a result will be reached some time in the course of the day. Already several lists of the new ministry have appeared in the journals, but it is plain that they rest on no basis but conjecture as to what is most likely to be the cast. Whatever may be the ultimate issue I see no present reason to presume that any essential alteration will follow in the policy adopted towards the United States. At no time since I have been here has the popular feeling been so fa-. vorable, and so little disposition shown to carp at America for any shortcomings, whether fancied or feigned. Although I shall regret the retirement of Lord Clarendon, on account of the very friendly personal relations I have been so fortunate as to establish with him since he has been in office, I have no reason to suppose that any one of those who have yet been named for that place on the other side will not be disposed to follow pretty much the same line of action. It will, however, be apparent to you at a glance that, for the moment, my faculty of communicating your views to this government is entirely suspended. I refer more particularly to those explained to me in your despatch No. 1779, of the 9th of June. I take it for granted that the lord lieutenant of Ireland will be changed, and hence the work which I had already prosecuted in the sense of that document may need to be done over again. In which case I shall enjoy the additional advantage of being fortified by your instructions. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: I have the honor to transmit a copy of the proclamation of neutrality issued by the Queen in regard to the conflict which is now raging on the con tinent. |