[Translation.] Our féte of the 6th February, on the occasion of the anniversary of the foundation of the assembly of the fleet, has been this year more animated than usual, in consequence of the presence of the representative of our friends beyond the sea, General Clay, minister of the United States. At dinner, the first toast was given in honor of his Majesty the Emperor; and, as is always the case, this toast was applauded with loud hurrahs. Toasts were then given in honor of his imperial highness the Grand Admiral, the minister of the marine, and of the commandant in chief of the port of Cronstadt. Then was drunk the health of the American guest, General Clay. Admiral Lessonsky delivered on the occasion a discourse, in which he succeeded in admirably expressing the sentiments of the Russians towards the American nation, as well as the great satisfaction which we have felt in hearing of the end of the internal struggle of our good friends. The admiral closed his speech by thanking the American minister, in the name of the whole Russian navy, for the very cordial reception given them while their fleet was in his country in 1864. Mr. Clay responded to Admiral Lessonsky that the American nation duly appreciated our friendship, and that it would always remember that, in the most sad moments of the civil war, while the western powers were engaged in sustaining the rebels, Russia, like a true friend, maintained its ancient relations. Mr. Clay added, that he was sure time would only bind more closely the ties of sympathy which united the two great nations; and he proposed to drink to the durability of those ties. Admiral Popow toasted the citizens of San Francisco, and Admiral Lessonsky the citizens of New York and Boston. Mr. Clay rejoined by a toast in honor of the people of Moscow, to whom, he added, he had been able lately to express the sentiments of the Americans towards the Russian nation. After which was drunk the health of Admiral Lessonsky and Popow, the representatives of the Russian fleets in America in 1864. Finally, the dignity of honorary member of the Assembly of the Navy of Cronstadt was bestowed upon the minister of America. When all the toasts and speeches upon the amicable relations of Russia and America were finished, Admiral Popow spoke to call to mind all that the grand admiral, who is so dear to all our navy, has done for the Russian fleet. The hurrahs which unanimously followed these words were the best testimony of the gratitude which we bear for the grand duke. Finally, Admiral Lessonsky, rising, set forth in a few words the immense benefits which our much loved sovereign had heaped upon Russia, and offered anew a toast to the health "of the father and of the liberator of Russia.' The national hymn, mingling with the loud hurrahs which this last toast received, worthily closed the banquet. Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward. No. 104.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, Russia, February 28, 1866. SIR: I now enclose the comments caused by the Moscow dinner, translated from the Russian press by Secretary Curtin. In a few days he will have ready extracts from the journals of the western powers upon the same subject. You will judge whether they should be given to the American journals. It is believed here that the entente cordiale thus shown between Russia and America will not be without its moral force in your settlement of the Monroe doctrine. Very truly, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, C. M. CLAY. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Extracts from the Russian press, collected and translated by Jeremiah Curtin. [From the Journal de St. Petersburg, October 4, 1865.] We have communicated to our readers with equal haste and satisfaction the excellent news which we have just received from America. The work of pacification goes on with that rapidity, that energy, that practical good sense, which the Americans ever bring to all their undertakings. In both north and south the people seem to have cast aside all animosity, all bitterness, all desire for revenge, and to think only of re-establishing the Union, and repairing the calamitous consequences of a fratricidal struggle. From his retirement, where he has gone to cultivate his lands, General Lee, after distinguishing himself at the head of 300,000 men, by a resistance unparalleled in the history of warfare, accepts with submission the decrees of Providence, and has just addressed a letter to his fellow-citizens, in which he exhorts them to do everything which lies in their power to re-establish peace and harmony. The President of the United States has just received delegates from nine States, and has answered their assurances of renewed attachment to the Union with a warm cordiality. "All I desire," says the Chief Magistrate of the American people, “all I ask of the north, the south, the east, and the west, is to assist me in maintaining and carrying out the principles of the Constitution." [Here follows the continuation of the President's answer to the above-mentioned delegates.] Facts show the sincerity of these noble words; they show that the government at Washington is proceeding without delay to heal the nation's wounds, the seriousness of which is acknowledged with a most praiseworthy frankness. The dismissal of the army proceeds on a grand scale. Not only is this army to be reduced from 800,000 to 75,000 men, but the President is about to intrust the maintenance of order and public safety to certain southern States, as is proven by his letter to General Slocum, of Mississippi. The federal government has honored all its financial engagements. The interest on the immense debt contracted during the war is paid with rigorous punctuality; and, thanks to the commercial activity of the country, all expenses have been met by the custom-house receipts alone. The Moniteur Français declares with all the authority of an official organ, "While the government at Washington pursues a peace policy with regard to internal affairs, it also takes a similar course in its foreign relations.) This happy issue of one of the most formidable crises that a nation has ever undergone, fills us with a sincere joy; but it does not surprise us, for it had been foreseen and predicted by our government. From the very beginning of this crisis, when the most sinister or least friendly opinions were heard on all sides as to its issues, the imperial government expressed to the government of the United States "the sincere prayers of the Emperor for the maintenance of this grand structure raised with so much labor, and so rich in promises of the future, his confidence in the practical good sense of the citizens of the Union, who are such competent judges of their own true interests." His imperial Majesty was pleased to express his conviction "that the members of the federal government and the influential men of both parties would seize every occasion and use every effort to allay the ferment of passions. These prayers have been heard, these predictions have been justified by reality. Upon this Russia truly congratulated herself, for she is penetrated by the following truths, which were also expressed in the documents in question: "The American Union is in our eyes not only an element essential to the political balance of power, but it is a nation to which the Emperor of Russia has devoted the most friendly interest. The two countries being placed at the extremity of two hemispheres, and both in the ascendant period of their development, seem called to a natural alliance of interests and sympathies, of which they have already given so many mutual testimonials." [From the Moscow News, January 1, 1866 ] The past year (1865) has not been so rich in results. Only one great question, which for four years had occupied all minds, received a final decision in the beginning of the past year. The bloody drama concluded in the United States has ended in a complete triumph of the North over the South, and the restoration of the unity and integrity of the great North American republic. Nowhere has this happy conclusion of the American rebellion called forth such general sympathy as in our country. No other nation took such interest in the restoration of the American Union as Russia. Between the two young powers, for which a mighty future is waiting, there are very natural sympathies, supported and called forth by mutual interests. Between them there is not and cannot be any unpleasant accounts to settle; but they may very easily be objects of attack from the same enemy. In the present time the American republic is an active member of the family of nations, indispensable to the preservation of political equilibrium, even in our part of the world. If in England, even at the present time, the question is raised whether they acted wisely in not giving open aid to the rebellious States, in Russia the cause of the southern States has never met with sympathy; but, on the contrary, ail our sympathies were on the side of lawful authority endeavoring to re-establish the national unity. The issue of the contest was favorable to the cause of civilization, and brought about the abolition of slavery. The ending of the American rebellion has exercised an undoubted influence on European politics during the past year. England, and still more France, were obliged, willingly or not, to fix their relations with a republic which had dis played such amazing power and such wonderful energy, the more so as they had given such clear evidence of their ill will and unfriendliness. Both England and France counted on *Despatch of Prince Gortchakoff to M. Stoeckl, Russian minister at Washington, dated St. Petersburg, June 28, 1861. the dissolution of the American Union. England was not unwilling to aid in every manner to bring about this result, while France apparently considered it as already attained. Relying on this erroneous conclusion, she undertook the so-called renaissance of the so-called Latin race in the New World, and thought by her interference to found a new Mexican empire. By this act France has compromised herself in her relations with the United States more than England, and for her the triumph of the Union arms was particularly disagreeable. At first it appeared as though the two western powers intended to draw nearer together, in view of the common danger. Their fleets did, indeed, exchange visits in Portsmouth and Cherbourg: but with this demonstration everything ended. England was not slow in arriving at the conviction that, by an intimate alliance with France, not only would she fail to smooth over her unjust acts towards the American republic, but would irritate her still more. Policy, it seems, demands that England withdraw as much as possible from France, and leave to the latter the entire responsibility for her Mexican schemes. England apparently intends so to act, especially since the death of Lord Palmerston, one of the principal originators of the anglo-French cordial alliance. The death of another active mediator between France and England, who more than once settled their difficulties, Leopold, King of the Belgians, must tend to weaken still further the friendly relations between France and England, especially if we take into consideration that France, as we are assured, even before the death of Leopold, brought forward her pretensions to Belgium in her correspondence with the Berlin cabinet. Judging by the press of England, public opinion in that country is by no means at rest regarding the future of Belgium. As relates to France, for her, sooner or later, remains the bitter acknowledgment that in her Mexican expedition she counted without her host; and that this entire undertaking, which has cost so much sacrifice of men and money, and aroused such agitation in the French nation itself, was baseless. With the removal of the French troops from Mexico, Maximilian's empire will no doubt fall to pieces itself. The failure which threatens the Emperor Napoleon in this affair will be a blow all the heavier to his power and the interests of his dynasty, in that the Mexican expedition was his personal affair, in which the French nation took no interest. In this lies the danger for Europe's peace. The desire to gloss over his failure may easily bring about new undertakings in Europe. Napoleon's love of peace does not inspire particular confidence in any one's breast; and the Times, in surveying the events of the past year, contents itself with the remark that the French government has not yet found a convenient opportunity for active interference in the affairs of European nations. [From the Moscow News, January 20, 1866.] Language was given to man, says Talleyrand, for the purpose of concealing his thoughts. At the present time the Emperor Napoleon, and especially his ministers, are seriously occupied in hiding from the public the extremely difficult position in which they are placed by the Mexican enterprise, and to smooth over in the eyes of the French people, even, to some extent, the decisive failure awaiting France in this affair. To do the French government justice, it has gilded to the utmost the bitter pill which France is to swallow. It has known how to represent France to the French public-as the ruling power of Europe, and the patroness of all her nationalities; before the foreign world as a power which, by its wise moderation, has completely succeeded in dispelling the previous distrust of Europe toward Napoleonic France. But it cannot escape the penetration of attentive readers, that 'tis difficult to call the moderation of Napoleonic France a merit. France has, indeed, during the past two years, not exceeded the limits of prudence and moderation; but she was kept within these limits by the distrust with which foreign powers watched her every step, by the difficulties threatening her from the other side of the Atlantic, and, finally, by her own financial difficulties, from which she is but just emerging. At the present time there is no doubt that Napoleon's desire of peace is especially connected with difficulties arising out of the Mexican expedition. The imperial speech and the account of the condition of the empire was intended, first of all, to produce a good impression on the public mind in America, and to prepare for an honorable retreat from Mexico. This intention is apparent in every word uttered in relation to Mexico by the Emperor, and by his minister of foreign affairs. From them we hear continual allusions to the ancient friendship of France and America, and expressions of good will to the latter; and mention is made of an imagined similarity in the constitutions of both powers-a fact, however, which no one had hitherto remarked. The Mexican expedition assumes the most modest form possible, undertaken merely for the purpose of obtaining certain indemnities from Mexico, which France considered she had a right to demand, and by no means for the purpose of imperial propagandism, or the renaissance of the so-called Latin race in the New World, about which the Emperor once wrote to Marshal Forey. It is also said that the United States were invited to take part in the enterprise-the United States, who were obliged at that time to strain every nerve for the preservation of their national unity! In conclusion, a hope is expressed that the people of the United States will understand that the expedition is by no means hostile to their interests, and that "two nations, equally jeal ous of their liberty, should undertake nothing which would implicate their honor and dig nity." The Americans, no doubt, regret that this edifying little maxim did not occur to the Emperor before undertaking the Mexican expedition, a proceeding in every respect so offensive and so unfriendly to the great republic, and that it did not save France from making repeated proposals to Russia and England to recognize the southern confederacy as an inde pendent nation. France, first of all, put forth the idea of establishing an empire in Mexico. She prevailed on the Archduke Maximilian to accept the Mexican crown, and succeeded in overcoming his opposition only by assuming the obligation of supporting his throne, and now she is obliged to desert him, in view of the countless dangers awaiting him, not only in the country itself, but from the United States. Up to this time the Washington cabinet rejects every compromise in regard to a French army in Mexico, founded on a recognition of the Mexican empire, or any pledges in its favor. The Emperor Napoleon, in the very beginning of his speech, says that a general peace seems assured; but the insignificant reduction of the army undertaken by him at the end of the year 1865, and which yet cannot be said to serve as a proof of peaceful intentions, answers very poorly to those words. On the occasion of the reduction of the French army the Times very justly remarks that France, and France alone, is the cause of those immense armies that burden Europe beyond the power of endurance. It is quite interesting to compare this remark with a sentence of the same paper in favor of the friendly relations between France and England, the credit of which the imperial speaker takes to himself. "France and England are of one mind," says the Times, “European politics are safe, and therefore we learned without surprise that the relations between France and the rest of Europe were perfectly peaceful." This sentence is of as doubtful a character as the remarks about armies is true. He who remembers the events of 1853-56, and 1859, will not conclude that this lauded good feeling between France and England is the forerunner of peace and quiet for the rest of Europe. But where is the first blow to fall? Mr. Seward to Mr. Clay. No. 191.] DEPARTMENT of State, SIR: I have received with great satisfaction your despatch No. 99, of the 6th of February, and its accompanying report of the proceedings at the banquet given by the merchants of Moscow to the American legation and the mayor of that city. The details of this feast have been already indirectly published, and they have excited an influence favorable to the present growth of friendship towards Russia, which is even now a unanimous sentiment of the American people. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CASSIUS M. CLAY, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward. No. 106.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St Petersburg, Russia, March 12, 1866. SIR: I take the liberty of sending you some more extracts from the journals of the day, translated by Mr. Curtin. Mr. Curtin and myself were invited by the Society of Merchants of St. Petersburg to dine with them on the occasion of the anniversary of the coronation of the Emperor, (the accession to the throne,) and the liberation of the serfs. We were received with great enthusiasm, and both made honorary members for life. The Invalide is the Russian official paper. Bancroft's allusion to Russia is well received here. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. C. M. CLAY. [Translation from the Russian Invalide, February 19.] To-day all Russia, from the White to the Black sea; from the Carpathian fountains of the little Polish river Varta to the distant mouth of the Amoor, raises to heaven her voice in thanksgiving and prayer. The 19th of February is one of the grandest and brightest days in the annals of our nation. Ten centuries have passed away since Russia began her career. Centuries will yet roll on, and generation follow generation, but neither Russia nor history will forget this glorious and memorable anniversary. Let us but call to mind our condition eleven years ago, on the eve as it were of the 19th of February. Dark, leaden clouds hung over our land. All Europe was opposed to us. England, with all her navy, was sweeping along our coasts; France had sent out against us her most chosen warriors; Turkey was striving to pay for the thousand defeats she had suffered in times gone by; Russia was straining every nerve: the treasury was empty; commerce at a stand-still; every one disheartened. But amid these bitter visitations Russia examined closely her diseases, her thought ripened, the causes of failure were defined, the key to the problem seemed to have been found, when suddenly he who had ruled Russia for thirty years passed from the scene. Still darker and heavier was the cloud hanging over Russia. But the dawn of the 19th of February began to appear. Light began to shine amid the darkness. The morning of a glorious day was at hand. Our deepest wound, through which flowed the nation's best blood, was stopped. An exhausting war was brought to an end. Russia breathed more freely, but not with entire freedom, since one-third of her population was in bondage, and the sad condition of this third exercised a corrupting influence both on the moral and material life of the whole nation. The first inevitable step toward regeneration was the abolition of serfdom. Without this all succeeding measures were impossible. But this great work was surrounded by most serious difficulties. Twenty-two millions of serfs were scattered over a territory greater than the rest of Europe. The immense distances caused serious delay. Again, these twenty-two millions were living under conditions of infinite variety. There were the agriculturists of the steppes; the fishermen, by the sea-shore: traders, carrying on business of hundreds of thousands of rubles; the poor peasants of White Russia who, oppressed by Polish landlords, scarcely knew what it was to eat bread; as well as skilful mechanics, and persons respectably educated. The legislative power was obliged to take into consideration conditions, situations, and demands of the utmost variety. Besides a population of fifty-five millions, homogeneous in language and origin, there were on the border lands of Russia certain foreign races, certain territories, which had a separate historical life. Besides, there were various financial difficulties to be met, there were private interests to be protected as far as possible; and the prejudices, which are so powerful in every human society, also presented their claims. Above all was the difficulty of breaking away from the old-established order of things, and the preparation for all contingencies in the new. The difficulties of the situation seemed insurmountable. Men who were intimately acquainted with the progress of the labors preparatory to the great reform did not believe in the possibility of their realization. People who heard but indistinct rumors of these labors did not dare to believe that happiness was so nigh. Many persons of wisdom and experience feared that on emancipation there would be disorders and bloody tumults in the streets, and famine in the land. People by no means of a timid nature were for taking measures for the preservation of the public safety. Our enemies, both at home and abroad, were jubilant, laying their mines and preparing for action. At last the manifesto of the 19th of February appeared, in which, among other things, was contained the following language: We confide in the generous devotion to the common weal ever shown by our faithful nobles, to whom we feel constrained to express our gratitude, and the gratitude of the whole nation, for their disinterested co-operation in carrying out our designs. Russia will never forget that her nobles, actuated solely by their respect for the dignity of man and love to their neighbors, voluntarily relinquished the rights they had enjoyed under the former laws of serfdom, and have laid the foundations of a new future for the peasants. "We confidently expect that their future efforts will be employed in the same noble spirit in carrying into effect the new ordinances and maintaining good order in a spirit of peace and benevolence. We confide in the good sense of our people.' When the first news of the reform went abroad through the land, there were at first some misunderstandings. Certain persons thought of liberty without remembering its duties. But the good sense of the nation at large neither wavered in the conviction that he who enjoys the benefits conferred by society ought in return to perform the obligations imposed by society, nor forget that according to the laws of Christianity all should submit to lawful authority and render each one his due. Sign yourself with the sign of the cross, pious and faithful people, and join with us in calling down the blessing of God on your henceforth free labor-the pledge of your own prosperity and the public good. The confidence of the Emperor has been fully justified. The fears of loyal men and the malicious hopes of enemies are shown to have been alike unfounded. We who have been |