eye witnesses of the great event know that there was but one powerful movement of the emancipated people, and that was to the churches, in order to offer up their ardent prayers for the author of the national joy.

Europe, with envy, in doubt and fear, was witness of the success of a reform which in other countries could have been effected only by shedding rivers of blood, or after long years of obstinate and continuous struggle. She envied and knew not what to think of a country which could make such a gigantic stride in advance with such firmness and rapidity. She was astounded at the unconquerable force of harmony, for by this force alone was it possible to pass through such a reform. Still, notwithstanding the evidence, she doubted. There were many thinking and observing men in Europe who felt sure that Russia, shaken to her centre by the decree of February 19th, was ready to drop to pieces at the slightest shock from without. Immediately intrigues were set on foot in Poland.

But events showed that they were sorely deceived. When an armed insurrection in Poland miscarried, a diplomatic storm of unparalleled fury was raised in the west. European powers, great and small, seized their diplomatic thunderbolts and hurled them at us with an insolent confidence in our destruction. What was the result? They found nct a crumbling mass ready to scatter like dust at the first shock, but a living, thinking body, quietly developing its strength, which on the 19th of February was increased one-third; for this glorious day gave civil rights to one-third of the population of Russia. The diplomatic tempest was stilled, leaving us in quiet to continue the development of our country.

And still there was much to do; for, in the language of the imperial manifest of the 19th of February, "the most beneficent law cannot make a people prosperous if they labor not to establish their own prosperity under the protection of the law."

The decree of February 19, 1861, freed from three centuries of serfdom a male population of 10,915,687, and a female one of upwards of eleven millions. It was necessary to arrange for them-to examine their demands, to satisfy their wants, and to define their rights. In the performance of this immense task the nobility have fully justified the confidence with which the imperial liberator honored them.

Only five years have elapsed since the emancipation, but, owing to the efficiency of organization employed, the great work has progressed as rapidly as the most sanguine could have hoped. If we turn to figures, those simple but most convincing witnesses of results obtained, we find that 5,745,029 men have not only become free citizens but land-owners; and 4,030,988, while enjoying all the privileges of the class just mentioned, are still under certain obligations to their former proprietors-those obligations being strictly defined by law. About one million persons have been provided for in other ways, according to their

wishes and desires.

All the Crown peasants, however, employed and distributed throughout the empire, have been freed, each one receiving his share of land. Also the peasants beyond the Caucasus, those attached to factories, mines, and all the different forms of servitude which grew up gradually in the course of centuries.

Amid the general change in the conditions of the entire agricultural class, that strong conservative element in a state, the great reformer did not forget our Polish brethren.

Beginning with the year 1861, a series of legislative measures were indicated relative to the Polish serfs. Unfortunately the local influence of the petty nobility was far from seconding the wishes of the supreme power. But the day of this petty aristocracy had passed. The Polish serfs received their liberty two years ago, also on the great day of the 19th of February. The people felt themselves free, not on paper alone, but in reality, from the yoke of their former task-masters.

By virtue of the decree of February 19, 1864, 451,170 families of Polish serfs were furnished with land; so that, reckoning each family at five persons, a population of two millions and a half of both sexes have received the blessings of freedom, together with the means of independent livelihood.

Up to the 19th of February, 1864, there were 1,330,000 of landless laborers in the kingdom of Poland; now their number does not exceed 750 persons of both sexes.

Here, in a few words, we have the results of the two great days, February 19, 1861, and February 19, 1864. If to the material benefits arising from this emancipation we add the moral advancement, the mental resurrection of an entire third of the population of Russia, together with the opportunity of progress, the benefits accruing to Russia from the 19th of February will appear beyond calculation.

It is sufficient merely to mention, in passing, the great events and measures of the past five years-the pacification of the Caucasus, the abolition of capital punishment, a complete reform in the courts of justice, a new arrangement of the universities, gymnasia, and common schools, freedom of the press, and self-government in matters of local economy. Either of these reforms would have been sufficient to mark an era in the nation's history; but all taken together, and preceded by the great measure of liberation, so faithfully carried out, form one of the brightest periods in the history of Russia.

And Providence has blessed the great originator of these national events. Never yet have the Russian people felt so deeply their unity; never yet have they been so clearly conscious of their grand political significance. If, for a moment, we cast aside and forget the bitter ness of this every-day life, we cannot but reverently incline before the great spectacle of a

unanimous, swift, and triumphant advance of a whole people in sincere union with their illustrious leader.

On this great day of the 19th of February, all Russia, raising her ardent prayers to the throne of the most high God, looks forward with unshaken faith to her mighty future.

[Translation from the Russian Folio, February 22.]

ANNIVERSARY DINNER AT THE MERCANTILE CLUB, ST. PETERSBURG. On the 19th of February, a day glorious in Russian history, (the anniversary of the succession of the Emperor Alexander II to the throne, and the anniversary of the abolition of serfdom,) a grand dinner was given in the hall of the Mercantile Club of the city of St. Petersburg.

Among the guests at this dinner were the American minister, General Clay, and the Secretary of legation, Mr. Curtin.

The arrival of the representative of the American people, a people whom we Russians sincerely love and esteem, was exceedingly gratifying to all present. When the time for toasts had arrived, the president of the club, Mr. Nikitin, proposed toasts to the health of the Emperor, the Empress, and the imperial family, which were received with unbounded enthusiasm.

Next in order came a toast to the prosperity of Russia, which was followed by one to the success of the club.

Mr. Glazunoff, one of the members, now arose and spoke as follows:

"GENTLEMEN: Since the 19th of February is a day dear to all Russia, the day of freedom for Russian serfs, let us again raise our glasses in honor of our sovereign, Alexander II, in the fullest sense of the word an imperial man, whose noble figure will appear in history in the true grandeur belonging to a monarch who has done and is doing so much to elevate and ennoble his subjects."

This toast was received with continuous and enthusiastic cheering, which lasted severa minutes.

Mr. Pribitkoff, president of the assembly of nobles in the Voronej government, arose, and expressing in the most cordial terms the warm sympathy of the Russian people towards the people of the United States, together with his conviction that on account of the friendly relations between Russia and America, Europe would be forced involuntarily to observe the. principles of non-intervention in the affairs of these two powers, and concluded by offering a toast to the strengthening of the bonds of friendship between Russia and America.

To this toast Mr. Curtin, the American secretary of legation, responded as follows, in the Russian language:

"GENTLEMEN: In this assembly, and on the present occasion, it seems to me unnecessary to dwell either on the causes or the significance of the friendship between Russia and America. That it is sincere and heartfelt no one of us can doubt, and in the present century, when moral influence is steadily gaining in strength, every statesman will agree that the united voice and sentiment of Russia and America possesses a value and an efficacy which form a new element in the politics of the age.

"With your permission, gentlemen, I shall, therefore, speak of Russia alone. In the beginning of the past winter, shortly after my arrival at St. Petersburg, for the first time I heard your national opera, Life for the Czar. After witnessing the principal scenes, where I saw the self-sacrifice and death of Susanin, and the triumphal entry into Moscow of the young Czar, amidst the blessings of a delivered people, I could not but exclaim to myself how remarkable and how beautiful was the origin of the house of Romanoff. In a time of peril and danger, when a merciless enemy was hoping to ruin and enslave Russia, Michael Feodorovitch Romanoff, by the unanimous voice of his countrymen, was chosen Czar.

"The life of the newly elected monarch being in danger, a simple peasant, John Susanin, gladly laid down his life that the nation's chief might live. At the present time, when Russia, powerful and firmly established, fears no enemy, Alexander Nicoláievitch Romanoff, the descendant of him whom Susanin saved, in granting liberty to all peasants, has given them life in the highest sense of the word, and thus nobly repaid the debt of gratitude incurred by the founder of his line.

"Where in history are we to seek for a similar example? Where are we to find such a bond of union between an emperor and his people?

'Since the greatness and development of Russia began with the house of Romanoff, and since one of the principal supports of this house was the toiling and devoted peasantry, the men who did the work and fought the battles on this ever memorable day in Russian history, on the 19th of February, the anniversary of the succession of the present beloved Emperor to the throne, and the anniversary of the day when the serfs of Russia became freemen, permit me, gentlemen, to offer the following sentiment:

"May your country, free and powerful, flourish through all coming time. May the house of Romanoff, which has seen the rise and growth of your greatness, ever continue to direct

the destinies of your nation, and assist in the path of progress those new-born freemen, whose birthday we celebrate to-day."

At the conclusion of Mr. Curtin's speech, which was received with unanimous applause, General Clay proposed a toast to the health of Prince Gortchakoff, a statesman who, with the most distinguished success, had repelled all attempts at foreign intervention in the affairs of Russia.

A toast to the health of General Clay, the representative of the American nation, was now proposed, and drank with most hearty and prolonged cheering.

Among other guests at dinner was General Khruloff. His presence called to mind the heroic defence of Sebastopol, and all proposed a toast to the heroes who took part in that memorable defence. To this General Khruloff replied in a speech of great feeling, and concluded by saying that he was proud to be of the number of those who were ready to lay down their lives for the defence of Russia and for our noble and good Emperor.

At the conclusion of General Khruloff's speech Mr. Glazunoff made the following remarks: "History shows that our country does not lack its heroes. From the time that Yermak brought as a gift to the footstool of John IV the immeasurable plains of Siberia, our people are advancing to the east and the south. Gentlemen, let us drink to the health of General Tschernyeff, who is opening a path to civilization and industry in the heart of central Asia."

This toast was received with unbounded enthusiasm, and a telegram was immediately sent to General Tschernyeff informing him of this fact.

Before the breaking up of this assembly General Clay and Mr. Curtin were unanimously elected honorary members of the club.

[Translation from the Russian Invalide, February 23.]

An event of universal interest has recently taken place in Washington, an event which has attracted as well the attention of Europe as of America.

It was arranged that the anniversary of the birthday of the late President Lincoln should be celebrated in the most solemn manner. All the public dignitaries, the President himself, and the foreign ministers, were assembled in one of the halls of Congress. To Mr. Bancroft, the able historian of the United States, was assigned the duty of preparing an oration in which an estimate was to be passed upon the life and services of the departed President. This task was accomplished by the orator, as it seems to us, with distinguished ability. Occupying no official position, he spoke as a private person, and was the organ neither of government nor of Congress.

As his only endeavor was to express faithfully the popular feelings of the nation, his discourse was free from those diplomatic circumlocutions with which official documents abound. Passing in review all the trials through which the United States had passed during the course of the rebellion, Mr. Bancroft naturally referred to the policy pursued by the different European powers, and told the audience, with perfect sincerity, what the public opinion of America was in reference to that policy.

He did not conceal the deep sympathy the people of the United States feel towards Russia sympathies which are the more genuine, in that they are called forth not only by the good will which Russia has never ceased to manifest towards the transatlantic republic, but also by much that is common in the destinies of the two nations. The orator spoke of the aboli tion of serfdom as one of the grandest acts in history, which, together with the numerous reforms of the present reign, opens a new era of prosperity and development to the Russian people. These words were received with the most hearty applause-applause to which our people cannot be indifferent, for there is not the remotest reason to doubt its sincerity.

When Mr. Bancroft reviewed the course of France and England, with genuine American frankness he recounted the reason why the American people are indignant at the course pursued by the powers of western Europe. The establishment of an empire in Mexico; the part which England took in regard to the confederate armies, her readiness to recognize the insurgents-all this was set forth by the orator in terms which, perhaps, in Europe might have seemed too incisive and not sufficiently temperate. The effect was all the more striking, in that it was impossible to consider the orator as speaking for himself alone. According to the Times correspondent, Mr. Bancroft was enthusiastically applauded by the audience, in presence of the President and the principal dignitaries of the republic. This event-for it is impossible otherwise to designate it-produced a profound impression, and it is said that certain diplomats considered it their duty to protest against a speech which they were obliged to hear from beginning to end.

[Translation from La Presse, January 31.]

THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA.

We printed yesterday a characteristic article from the Moscow News. The details which we have received to-day increase the importance of this production.

The Russian Invalide, for example, finds that the imperial discourse is not so pacific as one might suppose; this opinion it does not support by any serious reasons.

In reading these lines 'tis easy to discover the same idea as in the Moscow News. The characteristic fact, however, is the triumphal journey made in Russia by the American minister, General Clay.

Here is an extract from a St. Petersburg letter:

"At the banquet given at Moscow by the merchants of that city, several speeches were delivered. In the speech of the president of the Exchange committee of Moscow, Mr. Lyamine, the following language was remarked: The Americans have shown by their friendly reception of our fleet in the United States, that Russia was dear to them, and Russians welcome to their shores. Let us answer with the same feelings, and show our gratitude to the citizens of the great American republic. To the health of the esteemed and worthy President of the United States, Andrew Johnson.'"

A telegram was immediately sent to the American President, informing him of this toast. General Clay answered the speech of Mr. Lyaminè. He compared the President of the United States to the Emperor Alexander the II. He said it was the fortune of both of these rulers of two great nations to have devoted their lives to the liberation of the enslaved, and to the elevation of the whole people to equality before the law. "I cannot but regard this coincidence as the work of that Providence which inscrutably designs and ever advances, in monarchies and in republics, the liberties and the civilization of the human race. Let us bow in reverent submission to the divine will, and hold forever dear the friendship between the people of Russia and America."

We think it our duty to present these facts to the attention of Europe; they appear to us to have a real importance in the politics of the western powers, and in view of certain events, there is no doubt that this importance may be increased.

An alliance between Russia and the United States is an event destined, in our opinion, to bear with a decisive weight in the negotiations pending between Paris and Washington. It is from this quarter that difficulties between France and the United States relate most profoundly to questions which for many years have troubled Europe.

We, however, but note the signs of the times; it is for European diplomacy to consider them.

[Translation from Journal des Debats, January 30.]

We find in the Moscow News the details of a banquet given by the merchants of that city to the legation of the United States.

It is with veritable enthusiasm that Mr. Catkoff, in his journal, speaks of the toasts to the health of the Emperor Alexander and President Johnson, and of the friendship between America and Russia. It is difficult, he adds, to describe the emotion produced by the speeches accompanying these toasts, which give such a grand significance to the fête, and which will find an echo in every patriotic heart in Russia and America.

As may be well supposed, we should not have noticed this language if it had been merely an exchange of compliments inter pocula. Our readers know very well that in ordinary cases, when the champagne has ceased to sparkle, the enthusiasm is gone. But this was an affair of quite a different character, and the sober commentaries of the Moscow News are not without much importance.

The journal describes, with a very natural satisfaction, the condition of the cordial friendship between the United States and Russia. The geographical situation of the two countries does not leave the possibility of conflicting interests which often result from too close a neighborhood. In this the past is a guarantee for the future, and if there is an alliance indicated by the nature of things, it is surely that of these two powers. After these generalizations, the Moscow News adds in reference to recent events:

"When civil war raged in the United States, what malicious confidence was expressed on this side of the Atlantic in the final destruction of the young giant. What bold calculations were made, what changes were planned, and even carried into execution in their neighborhood. But what confusion the triumph of the United States caused in these same spheres, among political plans drawn up in view of the disasters of America! Russia alone it was that never wavered either in her friendship for the United States or in her conviction that their cause would triumph. From her alone they heard sincere words of sympathy and encouragement.' We quote the language of an American, (Mr. Curtin,) spoken in Russian. We know how this friendship was prized, and what a reception was shown to our seamen when they arrived in America, at a time when Russia herself was an object of hostile designs, and when her enemies had hoped, by the aid of threats and domestic treason, to carry out their plans."

This passage, which alludes evidently to France, is worthy of all attention from statesmen. It sufficiently indicates what the Russo-American alliance may become, and shows how closely Russia watches our politics in order to profit by our errors.

No. 107.]

Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

St. Petersburg, Russia, March 12, 1866.

SIR: I am in receipt of your despatch No. 188. I am gratified to hear that you were interested in my views given in regard to home politics.

We have news of the President's veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill, and the public excitement, and we have also the veto message. In such an emergency I venture to say that I approve the message most heartily, and 1 stand by the President.

SIR: Your despatch of the 12th ultimo, No. 106, and its accompaniments, have been received. The translations from the journals of St. Petersburg have been attentively read. They contain a very interesting account of the dinner given by the Society of Merchants of St. Petersburg on the occasion of the anniversary of the coronation of the Emperor and the liberation of the serfs. This government learns with pleasure of the renewed assurance which has been given by the merchants of St. Petersburg to yourself and Mr. Curtin of the friendship of Russia for the United States.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CASSIUS M. CLAY, Esq., &c. &c. &c.

No. 110.]

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
St. Petersburg, Russia, April 22, 1866.

SIR: Your despatch No. 199 is received, and put in the way of execution. On the 4-16 of April instant, just as his Imperial Majesty was ascending into his carriage after his usual walk in the summer garden, where he goes usually alone, his life was attempted by the firing of a pistol in the hands of a person whose name and antecedents are yet unknown, though he was immediately secured. A peasant, lately liberated by the great act of his Imperial Majesty, from one of the interior provinces, named Ossip Ivanovitch Komissarow, had stopped at the gate of the summer garden to get a first sight of his liberator. He saw a man earnestly passing through the crowd towards, and at length aiming a pistol at, the Emperor. By a sudden blow Komissarow struck the arm of the assassin upwards, and the pistol ball failed of the mark, and was sent upwards into the air, and his Majesty was saved and the assassin seized. The excitement all over the city and country, through Russia, and through all Europe, has been intense. Thousands of the people at once assembled at the winter palace, hurrahed till his Majesty showed himself again and again on the