and your love towards our country and our Czar, the liberator; and allow me to propose a toast to the mutual friendship of Americans and Russians." At nine o'clock, after a last toast to the Russian and American ladies, the guests rose from the table. The day concluded in a family ball, which took place in a richly decorated and illuminated pavillion of the public gardens. There our transatlantic friends became acquainted with Kostroma ladies, and took a lively share in the dances. After the ball the American guests returned on board the Despatch, having to sail from Kostroma early in the morning of the following day. Speech delivered by the Vice Chancellor, Prince A. M. Gortshakoff, at the dinner given in honor of the American mission, in the English Assembly of St. Petersburg, on the 8th of September, 1866. GENTLEMEN: Our transatlantic friends are already acquainted with those feelings which their presence among us and the cause of their mission to Russia awaken in our country. These feelings were already expressed to them from all degrees of our society, beginning with those spheres where a cultivated mind makes use of every possible ornament to express its thought, and finishing with those where, under an immediate impulse of the heart, a simple and unadorned language is spoken. These feelings were spoken out and expressed as if by one common voice of the masses, and it would be impossible for me to add anything to what has been already said and done. The unwonted fact, the unique example in history, of the Congress giving expression of feelings of profound esteem and sympathy towards our sovereign; the selection of the officer commissioned to convey hither the message of Congress; the personal qualities of this envoy, who knew how to resolve the difficult problem of preserving the dignity of his official standing, together with the cordial warmth of genial feeling; the daring spirit of enterprise and the skill of those who conducted the expedition, and, by crossing the ocean, resolved a problem which until now was a question unanswered by the cotemporary art of navigation; at last, the presence among us of the representative of the nation which, for many years and under all circumstances, showed to us a constant readiness to continue the friendly intercourse between the two peoples-gentlemen, all this together composes something complete, undisturbed by any dissonance. I rejoice at all these gentlemen's presence among us, because I am assured that Russia can but profit by a nearer acquaintance with her. [Applause and cries of "bravo."] Distance smooths the lines of a far horizon, but prevents us from studying the details of a landscape. I rejoice that foreigners-practical people-free from preconceived opinions, have an occasion to see us near, to study us such as we really are; that they have an occasion to appreciate according to his merits, as well our sovereign, the best glory of our country, as our people, its power. It is generally said that good reigns leave many blank pages in history. This saying is not altogether true; and if there is a reign the history of which is adorned upon each of its pages with daily records of most important, most grand reforms in the country's interior organization, a reign engrossed by wise cares for the present time and mindful of lofty plans for the future, such a reign is the one in which actually centre the unlimited devotion and love of our whole country; because every one of us is fully convinced that every minute of our high leader's life is, with infinite self-forgetfulness, wholly consecrated to the welfare and happiness of our country. [Cries of "bravo!" and prolonged applause.] Of all great acts accomplished I will point only to the most important-the emancipation from dependence upon land estates. At this occasion I beg leave of our friends, the Americans, to express myself with full and complete sincerity. An error slipped into the address of Congress-where enemies of emancipation are mentioned; an error, however, which explains itself by distance and time. The madman alluded to does not belong to any nationality. [Voices from the audience: "Bravo! it is true!"] He was not connected with the country by any personal interest, and represents but a blind hazard of birth. Gentle men, in Russia there is not a single enemy to emancipation, and those who are indebted to it for their freedom did not meet it with more joy than those to whom this measure was a duty connected with considerable sacrifices. The Emperor, our sovereign, was the first who conceived this truth, and he testified to it before his nobles, the owners of the land. And I am sure, gentlemen, that in this hall, where so much intellectual strength and so many interests are present, not a single voice will be raised to contradict this, my statement. I need not dwell upon expressions of sympathy between the two countries. This sympathy is too clearly obvious to every mind. It is one of the most interesting facts of our time which gives birth between two nations-I will venture to say between two continents -to germs of mutual good will and friendship, which shall bear fruits, create traditions and tend to strengthen relations founded upon the true spirit of Christian progress. This tendency does not originate in geographical proximity. Between us lie the unfathomable abysses of oceans. Neither is it founded upon the strength of acts written on parchment: nor do I find the slightest trace of such acts in the archives of the ministry intrusted to me. It is purely instinctive, and I will, therefore, venture to call this tendency a doing of Providence. [Prolonged applause and cries of "bravo!"] I rejoice at the mutual friendship of two great nations. I believe in its duration, [Bravo bravo!] and I will, in my political station, devote my cares to whatever may impart more strength to it. I say cares, not efforts, because no efforts are needed where all reposes upon natural and mutual attach.uent. [It is true! it is true!] Another reason which urges me to speak out in every man's hearing my view of the existing connexion, is the fact of its being perfectly free from the slightest danger or threat to anybody whomsoever. It exists by itself alone, without any interested views or any reservation. It has pleased the Almighty God to place both countries in such conditions that each may be satisfied with concentrating its efforts in the development of its grand interior public life. Upon their territory the United States of America are invulnerable, and this invulnerability lies not only with their natural frontiers being marked by the oceans and inaccessible to any European conflict, but also with the prevailing spirit of their people and the individual character of their citizens. America can be threatened only by evils of her own creation. We covered with crape the sorrowful pages of her latest history. We looked with sorrow upon the contest between the brothers of the north and the brothers of the south, but we always believed in the final triumph of the cause of the Union, and now we hope to see the success of the noble efforts of the actual President, whose system, imbued with firmness and moderation, has constantly met with our approval and sympathy. And in this respect, gentlemen, I will allow myself to point out a certain analogy between the two nations. Russia, by her geographical position, may be involved in European collisions; the chances of war may prove unfavorable to us. But, nevertheless, I think that Russia is equally invulnerable, and that this invulnerability will clearly appear whenever the feelings of national dignity and national pride shall be seriously touched; because, in such cases, as in all our historical trials, the real strength of Russia will come to God's light. This strength does not exclusively lie in the immense extent of our territory and the enor mous number of our population; it has also a purer and higher source, the close and indestructible union between the sovereign and the country, which, in cases above mentioned, hastens to lay into his hands all its forces, intellectual and material, as it directs at present toward him all its feelings of unbounded love and devotion. [For some moments the orator is interrupted by prolonged applause. On all sides are heard exclamations of bravo! bravo! it is true!] I thank you, gentlemen, for your indulgence to the words uttered by me. I have only to regret not to be able to express more eloquently the feelings by which we are all animated at the present moment. [Prolonged applause and cries of bravo! bravo!] I cannot conclude without filling a blank which would be remarked by our American friends. It would be really a blank if I did not consecrate a few words to the memory of President Lincoln, the great citizen, who offered up his life for the fulfilment of his duty. After this, I beg leave to come back to a toast already proposed and accepted, and to propose once more a toast to the welfare of the United States: to the success of the great work of pacification, undertaken by the actual President; to Mr. Fox, who received a mission which could not be put into more worthy hands; to Captains Murray and Beaumont, to whose daring spirit of enterprise we are indebted for the safe passage of the mission sent to our country; and also, collectively, to all those who contributed to the success of this passage. At last, I would be ungrateful if I did not mention in this toast the representative of the United States who remains with us, who was constantly giving us proofs of his good dispo sitions towards Russia. When our friends shall return home, I wish that they might carry with them and preserve feelings like those which they have bequeathed to us. Let them tell to their fellow-countrymen that there is a great people who will never forget the expressions of sympathy towards their sovereign; a people who will never forget that there was in the history of the two great nations a moment when Russians and Americans lived with the same life, when our distant friends shared equally our apprehension and our joy. No. 182.] THE NETHERLANDS. Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, SIR: I am without any of your favors since my last. The hope that was entertained some weeks back that the change of season would operate to check the alarming disease among the cattle has not been realized. The murrain spread more in England, however, than in this country. There it appears to be taking on the dimensions of a national calamity. Here, it is more under control, and has only invaded that part of the country lying about the Rhine.. The progress of the infection is marked from time to time by circles established by the authorites, within which no intercourse is allowed with outlying districts. 1. Isolation and destruction are the only means which experience has shown to be efficient to check the spread of the disease. 2. Curative remedies have almost ceased to be regarded of practical value, the proportion of recoveries are so small. 3. The disorder is believed to be not self-originating, but solely the result of contagion. These are the main points established by the progress of the disease in Holland. The danger to our country from this fact is, perhaps, slight, though its terrible character would seem to require precautionary measures against its possible introduction by importation. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches of the 22d and 27th of November, Nos. 259 and 260. The close of the year finds political affairs in Europe in a state of repose. The special afflictions which are the common lot of states as of individuais seem not to be above, but rather below, the average of the times of peace. In many countries it is the financial question that disturbs more than any other. The same embarrassment burdens the back of the Pope. But the present and probable future continuance of the extraordinary gold product of our times, it is believed, will settle all questions of this character favorably here in Europe, as well as elsewhere, with the exercise of a very moderate amount of wisdom. But the financial condition of this country, of Great Britain, of Prussia, of Belgium, and of the small German states, is so flourishing as to need no unusual restoratives. In nearly all these, a full equilibrium between revenue and expenditure is established on the basis of a moderate taxation. Even England and Holland can scarcely be considered exceptions. No great political dangers seem to menace any state, unless it be Spain, whose conduct in transatlantic waters invites retribution. Poland is subdued, the duchies are swallowed, the Fenians are in jail, Maximilian is expected home, the house of Augustenburg is relaying its foundation in England. * * * * * Austria set a useful example to other disturbed nationalities by an attempt to consolidate her empire by ideas, instead of the old method of force. The cotton culture, the growth of our war, has enriched Egypt, and advanced Turkey, and even given an impulse to Islamism, which, under it, may again spread itself into surrounding portions of Europe, afflicted by systems yet more effete than its own. Political discontent seems nowhere rife, for revolutionists can get to America in fifteen days for as many specie dollars, and the republic was never in higher favor than now. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, SIR: The difficulties growing out of the relations of the King of the Netherlands with the Duchy of Luxembourg seem to be increasing. His Majesty of the Netherlands, King William III in his quality of Duke of Luxembourg, had a vote in the German Bund, and when this body met at Frankfort in June last to pronounce for or against Prussia, he decided on remaining neutral. Vietory having fallen on the side of Prussia, this power, the German confederacy having ceased to exist, declared itself the legitimate successor to the obligations under which the states rested towards the defunct organization; in short, that Luxembourg having belonged to the German confederacy must submit to the same rule imposed upon the other members of it, and become a part of Prussia. His Majesty of the Netherlands, so far, refuses to accept this construction of the case, and the Prussian government remains firm in its demand. In the mean time the strong places of Luxembourg are garrisoned by both Prussian and Dutch troops while the negotiations are pending between the two powers. Rumors are current that Prussia is inexorable in her determination to annex Luxembourg, and that his Majesty of the Netherlands is equally decided upon not surrendering. Strange to say, critical as this question of Luxembourg seems to be, it does not occupy the minds of the Dutch as much as that of the abolition of a partial form of slavery now existing in Java, the richest of the Dutch colonies. This question is the principal issue between the two political parties, and has been under discussion in the chambers for several years past. As is well known, one of the principal sources of the revenue of the government of the Netherlands is Java, under the present system of enforced labor. The conservatives, who uphold this system, argue that it is owing to the present organization of labor that Java is of so much value, and that without it the colony would cease to be productive. Thus the conservatives present the material advantages of their case, to which the Dutch are certainly not insensible. But the Dutch loving liberty themselves, do not wish to deprive others of it, hence this apprenticeship (to give it its mildest name) of the Malays is obnoxious to them generally. This sentiment found an exponent in the leader of the liberal party, Mr. Thorbecke, and about two years ago, when he was in the ministry, a bill for the emancipation of the Malays was introduced in the second chamber under his auspices, but was lost, whereupon he retired from the ministry and was returned as a member to the lower chamber, where he has continued to agitate the subject up to the present time. When Mr. Thorbecke resigned his portfolio, one of his fellow ministers, Mr. Meyer, considered as identified with him in his political opinions, was charged with the formation of a new ministry. It remained, how ever, substantially the same, and was still regarded as representing the liberal party, the principal article of whose faith is the abolition of the Malay slavery of Java. * * * I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Chargé d'Affaires. No. 5.] Mr. Rhodes to Mr. Seward. UNITED STATES LEGATION, The Hague, November 29, 1866. SIR: The apprehensions which were entertained here at the date of my last despatch, in reference to an approaching crisis of the Luxembourg and colonial questions, seem to have subsided since the election of the members of the second chamber. In the excitement of the contest, when every influence was used, an importance was doubtless attached to these questions which they did not possess. The address of the King, which was read at the opening of the new chamber, contains nothing of especial interest. Since the election, both parties in this body claim a majority, but their relative strength will not be ascertained until a dividing or party question is raised. The number of the supporters of the ministry in the chamber is greater than was anticipated it would be previous to the elections, and it is possible, by skilful combinations, the present ministry may remain. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. CHINA. ALBERT RHODES. Chargé d'Affaires. No. 6.1 Mr. Williams to Mr. Hunter. LEGATION OF THE UNITED States, SIR Referring you to my despatch of June 26, (No. 3,) I have now the honor to give you further particulars and documents respecting the action taken in regard to Burgevine, received since it was written, and to offer a few explanatory remarks. I wish first to correct the rumor alluded to in that despatch that Burgevine had aided Walker in his attempt in Central America. It seems, from the best data that I can get, that he did not join in those operations, and his name is not found in the list of men outlawed by President Pierce. The despatch of the consul general, (enclosure D,) written after furnishing him a copy of my own, contains several facts respecting the conduct of Burgevine in 1863, that were not accurately known to me at the time of writing, and shows that Mr. Seward had done all that he could at the time to arrest this man's further aiding the rebels. It also corrects my inference that he had been secreted in China for a year when captured, and the more important implication of his having been connected with the seizure of the Firefly in 1863. |