son that the commerce between the United States and the remaining British colonies, Canada and Nova Scotia, should not be encouraged; it had been found mutually beneficial heretofore, and our share of the profit of it had been a source of remittance to England, and would be again. Those colonies, especially Nova Scotia, would find it difficult to subsist without it for a long time. Finding, however, that his Lordship was determined to defiver no opinions, nor give the smallest hint from whence any conclusions or conjectures could be formed, I asked him for his advice, whether it would answer any good end for me to wait on any other of the Ministers, as my Lord Cambden and the Duke of Richmond, for example, and enter into more particular conversation with them upon these subjects? His Lordship said Lord Cambden was gone into the country, and the Duke of Richmond to the distant sea ports, and would not be here for many weeks; but Mr. Pitt was here. I replied, that I had found Mr. Pitt, in the conversations I had with him, candid and intelligent, and that for any thing I knew, the affairs of the nation could not be in better hands; but he was in a critical situation, and if a foundation should be laid of a final alienation between England and America, it would be a deeper stain, a blacker blot upon his administration, than the independence of the United States had been upon that of Lord North.

It is not worth your while nor mine to endeavor to recollect more particularly this useless conversation, in which the reciprocity, as Lord North said on another occasion, was all on one side. I did not think it prudent to urge to his Lordship the possibility of any other new connexion between the United States and other European

nations than commercial ones, the possibility and the probability of a more permanent, indeed of a perpetual defensive alliance between France, Spain, Holland and the United States, with even Ireland soliciting to be the fifth power, is so obvious to common sense, that one would think it could not escape the contemplations of the ministry.

There are persons in this kingdom sufficiently insane to say, that they will bring America to petition to come again under the government of this country; they will distress them till they break their faith with France, and then they say "we will spurn them." If the King and ministry entertain such thoughts, they are weaker than I ever thought them, and wickeder than any body ever represented them. But although insidious policy is not a novelty in this country, I do not believe them capable of such an excess of it at this time.

The true secret I conceive to be a real ignorance and indecision what to do. They have discovered by their Newfoundland bill and Irish propositions, a desire to preserve the principle of the navigation act, against the United States. Both these experiments have been unfortunate. The first produced the Massachusetts and New Hampshire navigation acts, and the last procured a defeat in the Parlia ment of Ireland. They are now confounded, and know not whether to persevere or to retreat, and I am convinced they have agreed together to observe a total silence with me until they shall come to a resolution. This reserve they maintain to all others as well as to me, lest any hints might escape them by which the various parties who are led by Shelburne, Buckingham, North and Fox, should know how to begin the foundation of their oppositions.

They are really embarrassed, for, whatever treaty they make with us, must be submitted to Parliament, either before it is signed, or it must be made and signed expressly subject to the approbation or disapprobation of Parliament, and they are at a loss to guess what they can carry through Parliament, knowing the talents of the opposition, and the force of national prejudice and passion in favor of the navigation laws. They are afraid to attempt what they know they ought to do.

This being the state of things, you may depend upon it the commerce of America will have no relief, at present, nor in my opinion, ever, until the United States shall have generally passed navigation acts. If this measure is not adopted, we shall be derided, and the more we suffer, the more will our calamities be laughed at. My most earnest exhortations to the States then are and ought to be to lose no time in passing such acts, they will raise our reputation all over the world, and will avail us in treating with France and Holland, as well as England; for, when these nations once see us in the right way, united in such measures, they will estimate more highly our commerce, our credit, and our alliances. The question has been asked in France as often as in England, what have you to give in exchange for this and that, particularly, it was a constant question of the Mareschal de Castries, what have you to give as a reciprocity for the benefit of going to our islands? When we have once made a navigation act, or shewn that we can unite in making one, we may answer, we can repeal our act or our imposts in return for your repealing yours.

With regard to this country, I confess to you I never should have believed, nor could have imagined the real

situation of it, if I had not been here, and resided here some time. I never could have conceived such an union of all parliamentary factions against us, which is a demonstration of the unpopularity of our cause. If the States do not make haste to confine their exports to their own ships, and lay on duties upon British merchandize, which shall give a decided advantage to our own manufactures, and those of Germany, France and other nations, it will be to no purpose to continue a Minister here, and I am sure I shall wish myself any where else rather than here. These are remedies which Congress and the States can apply; I should hope they will not proceed farther at present, but if these are found insufficient, I hope they will think of proceeding farther in commercial treaties with other nations, and reserve the resource of further alliances as a last resort.

The draughts already made, and the negotiations in Barbary, will exhaust your little fund in Amsterdam, and before next March all your servants in Europe must return home for want of means even of subsistence unless something is done; our countrymen should not expect that miracles will be wrought for their relief, if their affairs are not conducted with wisdom and activity they will reap, most certainly, the fruits of folly and supineness.

Before I conclude I will mention one more extravagance that I know is lurking in some hearts here. They would willingly embarrass Mr. Pitt in any rational plan of agreement with me, and cheerfully precipitate him into war with the United States if they could, well knowing that it would be his ruin. They think, and I can add, they say, "that Canada and Nova Scotia must VOL. IV.-48

soon be ours.

There must be a war for it. They know how it will end, but the sooner the better. This done, we shall be forever at peace; till then, never." But these people do not consider that this will involve us in unchangeable connexions with France, and prove the final ruin of this country.

The stocks have lately risen to sixty-five and sixtysix. Whether this is owing to ministerial tricks, or the real affluence of money, it will raise the fund of pride and vanity in the nation in a much greater proportion, and make it more difficult for the Minister to do what even he may think right with America. I must conclude by repeating that my only hopes are in the virtue, resolution and unanimity of my fellow-citizens.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, October 25, 1785.

Dear Sir,

The crown of great Britain has sometimes pledged its prerogative to relax the navigation act, but the Parliament and nation would not admit of it. By the fifteenth article of the definitive treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, signed at Lisbon the 16th May, 1703, "The personal privileges and freedom of trade which the subjects of Great Britain and the States of the United Provinces, at present enjoy in Portugal, the Portuguese shall, in their turn, enjoy in the dominions of Great Britain and the States of the United