longer to defer taking a decisive course; and on the 2d July, a special commission, which was entrusted to M. Bignon, who held, ad interim, the port folio of foreign affairs, General Guilleminot, chief of the general staff of the army, and the Count de Bondy, Prefect of the department of the Seine, was directed to proceed to the English and the Prussian Generals.→→ These had it in charge from the Provisional Government, "to propose a convention purely military, for the delivery of the city of Paris into their hands, without taking into consideration any political question, since we could not," said Carnot, "form any opinion of the intention of the allies, when they should be concentrated." Yet every one of these men concerned in this capitulation, had afterwards the hardihood to assert that it was both a military and a political convention. Such was their opinion, because it suited their interests and their safety; and, therefore, they were to be allowed to be right in what they thought upon the subject, and all else wrong who thought differently. Accordingly a purely military convention was entered into, by which it was agreed that an armistice should take place. That the French army should evacuate the capital, and in ten days retire behind the Loire, carrying with it all its Materiel. The capital was to be completely evacuated in three days; and, by the 6th, the city and all its fortifications to be placed wholly in the power of the allies. Public and private property, except what belonged to war, was guaranteed. The national guard was to do the duty of the city; and no person was to be troubled by the allied commanders, in their offices or for their political opinions. If hostilities were again to be resumed, ten days notice was to be given by either party. Thus fell Paris! and thus was completed the tremendous results of the battle of Waterloo! In three days after it the French Emperor terminated his political life; and, in fifteen days, those banners which were once denounced by him to be buried in the sea at Lisbon, were, in conjunction with the eagles of Prussia, waving in tri umph over the once haughty, still guilty, but now humbled walls of Paris! She once more escaped the fate she merited, The prudence of a few, and the humanity of her conquerors, again rescued her from the indignant arm of Europe, and which

• Carnot's memorial or defence, 1815.

the policy of revolutionary madness would certainly have encouraged her to brave. Fortunately for her, it was, that this capitulation took place; for if it had been taken by storm, the exasperation of the Prussian troops was such, that they would not have left one stone upon another. Thus fell Paris; and with it, all the hopes of the enemy, and the sneers and ridicule of faction. The allies, said the Moniteur, calculate, that in two months campaign they will reach Paris. In two months! echoed the Morning Chronicle in its usual sneering mannerin two months-why, "we have been told that the allies will march to Paris in a month, and that one campaign will finish the business. But if this prediction should fail them as completely as all their prophecies of Bonaparte's overthrow by internal disaffection, what will become of the confederacy? and what of our own finances?"* In one month!-how arrogant such expectations!-yet fifteen days did the business; and less than one month's campaign rendered the confederacy triumphant, as well as our finances. In the midst of all this Bonaparte was totally forgotten. He had decamped and left Paris, after having secured property to a great amount. No person gave themselves any concern about him. He whose name once filled the world, and whom, only three weeks before, the Parisians followed as a superior being, was reduced to a private situations while none regarded him, and many were afraid to own him. He had, however, decamped, and took the road to the coast, as we shall by and by see more at length. The conduct of the Parisians, at this moment, was silly and disgraceful. They were without an object to fix either their courage or regardthey cared for no one, and no one seemed to care for them. Revolutionary mania had worn out their energy, and tyranny had debased them; they were the ready tools of any party; yet tools which could render them no service in the hour of danger. In general, they beheld without concern the humiliation, which had overtaken them. They thought not either on their guilt or their punishment. It was blended together; and they would not take the trouble to separate it. They had not time to spare for that important and useful purpose. Their levity and thoughtlessness alone remained. The sight of the Prussian

• Morning Chronicle, June 9th, 1815,

eagle, or the tri-coloured flag, waving over the heights of Montmartre, created equal concern and called forth equal admiration. Nay, when the advance of the allied army, through fieids of blood, would have made any other nation either march to resist or call out for mercy, they were differently employed. "On each side," said the Paris Journals," the disposition of the troops appeared to be finished-the line was formed opposite to each other-we expected they would come to blows," when many persons from curiosity went to the heights of Chaillot, from whence they could plainly perceive the French and the enemy's camp; every one had his telescope.' There, they enjoyed the delectable scene with transport, which every other people would have beheld with anger or with sorrow. They had not time to reflect on the matter in this light.

While these things were going on in Paris, and the allies were preparing to occupy the capital, the Chambers continued to meet and to deliberate. On the 4th they received a message from the Government, announcing the capitulation of the city, and informing them, "that they had tried in vain to struggle against the torrent; our efforts," said they, "have been impotent; our means of defence exhausted;" in consequence of which they had concluded the capitulation, by which they had sacrificed nei"ther the principle of political administration, nor of the French arms." In return the Chambers passed a vote of thanks, approving of the conduct of Government, thanking the army and the national guard, declaring that they would continue to attend to their wants, that they relied on their courage and fidelity, and intrusted the protection of the national independence and banners to their care. The Provisional Government next issued an address to the nation on these events. In this they laid before them, that in the difficult circumstances in which they were placed, it was found impossible to master the course of events; and that consequently it became their duty to defend the interests of the people and the army, qually compromised in the cause of a Prince, abandoned by fortune, and the national will." That it became their duty to save the capital from the horrors of a siege, and to stop the effusion of blood. No means of defence, that their resources • Paris Journal, July 3d, 1815.

66 e

and time would allow, had been neglected; but all were una vailing. They relied upon the declarations of the Sovereigns of Europe, that their liberty and interests would not be sacrificed to victory. They were certain to receive guarantees, which would prevent "those alternate and temporary triumphs of factions," that had agitated them for twenty-five years; which would terminate their revolution; and "confound in a common protection all the parties to which it had given birth, and all those whieh it had combated." They informed them that peace was necessary for their commerce, " for the amelioration of their manners," and the "development of their remaining resources;" and, finally, bade them rely on the intentions of Europe, whose repose and happiness were closely connected with theirs. The House of Representatives continued to busy themselves with a new Constitution, similar to the Englishbill of rights. The last Constitution had lived its day. Napoleon I. was gone. Napoleon II. was forgotten; and each person now, as twenty-five years before, had his theory and Constitution to propose. One author, as early as the 25th July, presented a copy of a new Constitution to the assembly; and informed them, that he was sorry that he could not give each member a copy, but that those who wished them would be supplied at the Palais Royale. Similar plans were daily brought forward, some excited murmurs others laughter.The one now to be narrated claimed their serious consideration. In this the Chamber declared, that "the Government of France, whoever may be its chief, ought to comply with the wishes of the nation legally expressed;" and that "a monarch cannot offer a guarantee if he does not swear to observe the Constitution framed by the national representation, and accepted by the people." They declared that it could not be a Government which depended upon "the acclamations of a party;" and who would not adopt the national colours, and guarantee" the liberty of the citizens; the equality of civil and political rights; the liberty of the press; the liberty of worship; the irrevocability of the sale of the national property; the inviolability of property; the abolition of tythes, and of the old and new hereditary nobility and feudality." These and a number of other things similar, but frequently before mentioned, were

declared essentially necessary to form a French monarch.This declaration was ordered to be sent to the Chamber of Peers on the 5th, after which Garat moved that the proclamation of Louis XVIII. should be read, "Break up the sitting,' was the cry of many, "wait for the Government message,' said others," and if it should not come?" said many voices. Great noise succeeded this, when it was stated that the President announced an adjournment. The tumult increased. Some members wished to go away-cries of “Ushers! shut the doors,” resounded on all sides. Two secretaries were ordered to procced to the Thuilleries, to learn if any message was coming from the Government. At eleven at night the secretaries returned, and M. Badoch informed them that Fouche had gone to the head-quarters of the Duke of Wellington, and was not returned, consequently no message could be received till tomorrow. At the Thuilleries, said he, we saw Count Pontecoulant, who said that the allied Sovereigns, and in particular the Emperor Alexander, was animated with the best disposition. That they did not " desire to oppose us in the form of a Government;" and, that, with regard to the reports of intended distur bances, they had nothing to fear; as Marshal Blucher was.determined to maintain order. The assembly adjourned till the following day. Next day, the 6th, being again assembled, the new Constitution was produced, read, and the discussion begun, when Dupont interrupted it by what he stated, as a motion of the highest importance, namely, that the declaration, already noticed, should "be sent to the allied monarchs.""The allies will enter Paris to-morrow," said a member, your deputation go first to Lord Wellington and Marshal Blucher." (Murmurs.) Dupont, La Fayette, Ramond, Lafette, and General Sorbier, were appointed the deputation. The discussion then continued. Plots and disturbances were apprehended; but, they were assured, that the Government, and Massena, who was the commander of the national guards, were acquainted with and proposed to frustrate these. At eight in the evening the debate continued. A message was sent to the Government to take into consideration the means to pay the army, without which it was supposed the troops would not leave Paris. Before proceeding to consider the new Constitu

let