He

were to remain in this situation, until the Chambers decided whether they were to be sent out of the kingdom, or delivered over for trial to the Tribunals. These were afterwards banished from France, by a fresh decree; but where they are to take up their abodes is uncertain. St. Jean de Angley went to America, as did also the King of Spain. This list was declared to comprehend all whom it was found necessary to mark out for punishment; and was never "to be extended to others for any causes, and under any pretext whatever, other than in form and according to the Constitutional laws, which were expressly departed from for this case alone."* Foremost on the arrested list were Labodeyere and Ney. The former was immediately brought to trial, because he was the first who openly espoused Bonaparte's cause; and, from his youth and respectable connexions, his fate excited considerable interest. denied having had any intercourse with Bonaparte previous to his leaving Elba, and stated his belief that no such intercourse any where existed; he and many others were discontented, but he "knew nothing of any determined plot." He said he had nothing personal to complain of; that he obtained nothing from the King, and had done nothing for him. From the proceedings in the court, it appeared, that as soon as he heard of Bonaparte's advance towards Grenoble, he left that garrison in open defiance of the commanding officer, Marshal Devilliers. The Field Marshal succeeded in bringing back to their duty 100 men of the 7th regiment of the line. Labodeyere, however, carried off the rest, exclaiming "Vive le Empereur?” and replying to Devilliers, "country and honour;" which words, unfortunately, said the Marshal, he did not " understand in the same manner that I did." In his defence, Labodeyere wished to impress upon the audience that it was his "honour," not his life," that he was most anxious to defend. may have been deceived," said he; "misled by false illusions, by recollections, by false ideas of honour; it is possible that country spoke a chimerical language to my heart." He wished, he said, to preserve in his regiment the "esprit de corps," and not to allow them to forget the warrior who had so often led them to victory. This spirit, he said, that he should

* Decree by the King, 24th July, 1815.

" I

have been happy to have taught to his troops, on account of the Bourbons, whom so many great deeds had made illustrious. "I do not conceal," said he, "that I set off with sad presentiments, but Napoleon was far from my thoughts." He could not, he said, foresee that France under a new regime would in three months resume a political attitude. "I had not," said he, "foreseen this coalition of all Europe; but I was the victim to a vague uneasiness, of which, nevertheless, I could explain, and perhaps justify the cause." He then proceeded to'state, that" in 1814, neither the nation nor the army could any longer suffer the yoke of Bonaparte-it was tired of a war without motive-exhausted by sacrifices without utility." Every one, according to him, wanted a "repairing Government." This they found in Louis XVIII. but the "outrageous zeal of faithful servants did much harm." As he was proceeding to lay open their faults in justification of what he had done, the President reminded him that it was not a "political," but a "military" crime of which he was accused, and they were to judge. "It is," said the President, " for a violation of your duties as a soldier and a Colonel; try to destroy the proofs which are furnished against you." This, however, Labodeyere declared, that he neither had the means nor inclination to do; and concluded his speech to the court, by an eulogy upon the King; in whose return, he said, he saw" all promises fulfilled, all guarantees consecrated, the Constitution perfected; and foreigners will see again, I hope, a great nation in the French united round the King." The firm and dignified manner in which he addressed the Court, greatly interested all present. The sum of his defence, however, seemed to be, that he was right, because he thought so. But the proofs against him were too plain, and the offence too serious, to admit of pardon. He was accordingly sentenced to die. He appealed to a revision of his sentence, but without effect. Every intercession was made with the King for mercy, but it was of no avail.His young and amiable wife, habited in deep mourning, threw herself at the King's feet, and in agony bathed them with her tears, and entreated for mercy to her unfortunate husband. But in vain; the King declared had the offence been against himself, he would have pardoned it; but being

against the peace and honour of the nation, he could not.Labodeyere, therefore, prepared for his fate. He met it with firmness. At six o'clock, in the evening of the 19th, he was led out to the plain of Grenelle. He refused to allow his eyes to be bandaged. He entreated the soldiers, who were to fire, to take a sure aim; "above all," said he, "do not miss me." He gave the signal-in a moment he was no more. Thus fell Labodeyere. His unfortunate widow died soon after, of a broken heart, leaving an only son, whom the King took under his protection. A prodigious outcry was raised against the King for not pardoning this man. He was styled the murdered and the martyred; while his crime as a soldier, throwing all other circumstances out of consideration, clearly subjected him to the fate he met. Better and braver fell at Waterloo; and had he remained firm at his post, the career of Bonaparte might never have extended beyond Grenoble, nor all Europe been again thrown into alarm and confusion, and thousands upon thousands of lives might have been spared.

If Europe felt indignation and surprise at the admission of Fouche into a principal share of the ministry, under the King; which she attributed to the weakness of the party she esteemed, and the strength of that which she dreaded; she soon after felt greater astonishment and surprise at, to all appearance, the bold and decisive step which the King took in making a complete change of his servants. Talleyrand and the whole ministry were displaced, and a new set brought into power. The Duke de Richelieu succeeded Talleyrand as Premier, but the latter continued to enjoy the King's favour. Clarke was chosen Minister of War. Fouche, however, to the general satisfaction of mankind, was disgraced and sent upon an embassy to the Court of Dresden. There Prussian vigilance will prevent his chicanery from doing much mischief. This unexpected change was, it is said, brought about by the firmness of the Royalist party, at the head of which was the Duchess of Angouleme. This Princess enjoyed the cordial hatred of all the Jacobins and their friends. Her conduct was distorted and misrepresented, as usual, by them; and she was described as the greatest, the most unrelenting and ignorant bigot in France. Her conduct, however, it was well known was very

different. Her firmness was of the most essential service in confirming the King's power; therefore, she was hated and traduced in every manner, and loaded with every species of obloquy and reproach. She, indeed, did not disguise her batred against those who had brought her father and her mother to the scaffold, with the most unrelenting barbarity; who destroyed her unfortunate brother, and immured her tender years in a hideous dungeon. Nor did she disguise her indignation at seeing those men who had covered France with scaffolds, and Europe with mourning, intrusted with the Government which they had so lately joined to overthrow. This Princess did not, and could not feel otherwise; and it was only amongst the friends and admirers of the Revolution that she had enemies, and from whom she received reproach. Fouche and his agents, were particularly active in this worthless proceeding, and in misrepresenting her conduct in the South. He endeavoured to sow dissensions between the King and the allies, to calumniate the latter, and to arouse the passions of the French nation against them. This he did by circulating insidious and exaggerated reports, which it was insinuated he had secretly laid before the King; and in which all the firm friends and faithful adherents of the latter were held up as public nuisances, and his most inveterate enemies praised as the guardians and saviours of France. These reports were forwarded to London, where they first appeared in the Morning Chronicle, as official documents which had been delivered to the King of France. In these, however, there was nothing but a repetition of those, a thousand times repeated stories, and refuted jargon of the democratic school. Europe treated the indefatigable and designing authors and propagators of these calumnies, with the contempt they merited. But the accusations and assertions against Europe are so daring and extraordinary, that I shall select the chief of these in this place. We were ourselves, said these men, the first victims of all our tyrants, "and we have twice delivered Europe from them." "It is not in foreign countries, but in France, that terror has constantly Troubled the repose of Napoleon. Notwithstanding his power, he was never able to make the war national;" and though France joined him, "instruments are not accomplices." The allied Sovereigns were accused, for dispersing thier troops

over the country without reason. "The Sovereigns declared," said they, "that they only made war against Napoleon, and yet all their measures belie their words. Every where, whereever the armies are, (always excepting the English,) pillage, fire, rape, and murder, have been carried to the fullest extent; avarice and vengeance have left nothing for the soldiers to desire. To speak with freedom, they exceed even the atrocities of which the French armies have been so often justly accused." Their accusations of such wanton excesses, were false and unjust. Drawing a fearful picture of what France was, and what she would be, when the allies were withdrawn; all of which was attributed “to their prolonged stay;" they accused them for having occasioned all this, by their introducing" immorality, that sad scourge of nations," into a nation like France, who was “unjust, vain, and jealous." The allies, however, were certainly saved this trouble, by Fouche and his adherents; who, in 1794, "founded republican morals upon a dissolution of all morals;" and who had so far corrupted France, that it was scarcely possible for iniquity itself to contaminate her more. With unequalled insolence and falsehood they asserted, that the tyranny of Napoleon was not their work. No! "It was not our work, but that of Europe. It was the Sovereigns who consolidated his power by their treaties, their alliances, and even by their friendships; and even if we had resisted him, the other nations would have ranged themselves under his eagles, or humbled themselves before him. It was by foreign obedience that he endeavoured to bend us under the yoke."* How had Europe been deceived. She had always been given to understand differently. Upon their dismissal from office, they sent beforehand their resignation to the King; in order to make it appear in the eyes of the nation, that they could not attend to the interests of the State, on account of the Councils which were acted upon, and listened unto, from behind the throne.— They told the King, that the " love of their country was no where to be found but under the tri-coloured flag; they accused

« Who shall decide when doctors disagree." The Edinburgh Review, No. L page 511, says, "the danger to the restored Emperor, therefore, was wholly from without, while that to Louis XVIII. was wholly from within." Carnot perhaps. told them this. Fouche and them cannot both be right.