terior of France, by civil war and military massacres, because they would not abandon their King and their God; and some of her finest provinces laid waste by ferocious villains appointed by Carnot, and advanced and rewarded by him according. as they exerted themselves in these bloody scenes. His country at that time" exalted in a transport of gratitude," many a desperate villain, and many a similar tyrant, from the murderers of Avignon to the murderers of the King; from Brissot, Danton, Pethion, Marat, Collot de Herbois, Carrier, Robespiere, and Carnot, to Bonaparte. And if my Lord Castlereagh should, for want of a secretary, "close his eyes," and out of his own office, or even in it, sign a warrant to send half the House of Commons to Botany Bay, and the other half to the block, it would be neither "rash" nor "unjust in the extreme," to pronounce a sentence of condemnation against him, though a hundred years hence. Yet how many similar documents, and even much worse, did Carnot "close his eyes" and sign. Carnot also became minister of the interior to Bonaparte after his return, when orders were given to General Lamarque, in La Vendee, to “ blow up and destroy the houses of the Vendean chiefs; to destroy the bells, and to carry off hostages, and to condemn and immediately shoot the chiefs who might fall into his hands." The utmost, therefore, that can be said in the defence of Carnot, is, that perhaps he was less guilty than Robespiere; a point, however, which only the Judge of all can determine But the least share which Carnot had in these guilty deeds, forms a load sufficient to sink a navy.

To Carnot succeeded Soult: he also dared to defend himself for having basely deserted his King. He was, he said, perfectly innocent. The order of the day published by him (see page 229,) was not his work, but the work of the government. He denied having had any knowledge of Bonaparte's intention to return; advised immediate submission to the King after the disasters at Waterloo, and at which place, as "he fought the English and Prussians," he ventured to persuade himself there was nothing criminal in his conduct. He accused the English for sacrificing the emigrants at Quiberon; and concluded some equally irrelevant declamation, by saying, that "a Prince who • Lamarque's letter to Louis XVIII. Dec 1815.

is reduced by force to leave his States, cannot exact obedience,' while he is unable to afford protection." Upon which principles, if satan, should drive, the French Sovereign from the Thuilleries, compel him to pass the frontiers, and set himself in his place, all France was bound to obey him, and could not be punished for having done so, and having fought under his banners to prevent the return of the lawful Sovereign. But, certainly, when the legitimate Sovereign returned, if he could not catch his sable Majesty, he might at least justly hang those adherents, who did not do their duty in resisting him. To Soult succeeded the gentle Vandamme, who was quite astonished why, after his return from the custody of Rostopchin, he never was permitted to visit the King, and why he was commanded not to attempt: it. He consequently was compelled to leave Paris and stay upon his estate, till the King having left Lisle, he made his appearance at the court of Napoleon. This man, before the revolution, had been condemned to be hanged, for the crime of robbery; but, by the humanity of his judge, his sentence was commuted to be branded on both shoulders, and confined in the gallies at Brest for ten-years; from thence he escaped, when the rights of man set villains free; he became Jacobin, then a General; murdered the judge who had formerly saved him, even after Robespiere had liberated the former; and then purchased the estate, onee his property, for a trifle. He shot the emigrant prisoners; and was the first who put the bloody deeree for giving no quarter into execution, by shooting a Hanoverian offcer with his own hand. He was disgraced by Moreau; and rewarded by Bonaparte. He could not then be astonished at the coldness of the King shewn to him; and instead of thrusting themselves forward to public notice, in this manner, these men would do well to take the advice of Anaxagoras: he being at sea in a great tempest, all the crew and passengers fell on their knees to implore the protection of the gods. One of the passengers, a man of very bad character, was louder in his prayers than the rest. "Prithee be silent," said Anaxagoras, "for if the gods find out that you are here, they will punish us all, and we shall certainly be shipwrecked." The less Vandamme and his colleagues say the better.

In the proceedings of the French Chambers-there was for

some time but little that was remarkable. Their first business was the passing a law, similar in its import to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in Great Britain, in order to check the daring attempts of treason and sedition. These attempts to kindle fresh revolutions, were carried to most alarming lengths. To check these, the old.Provotal Courts were re-established. In the act now passed, upon an amendment unanimously adopted, ‚a clause was inserted, that the punishment it decreed should be inflicted upon the usurper, a person of his family, or, "any o ther chief of rebellion,”* which important amendment pointed out that other competitors for the French crown might be brought forward, besides Bonaparte, or any of his dynasty. It was up- on the question of the anmesty bill, however, that the true feelings of the Representatives were discovered. The King and his ministers wanted a general amnesty passed,, except for those -persons included in his Ordinance of 24th July, 1815. This the Representatives wanted to prevent, and to extend the punishment of banishment, death, and confiscation of goods, to, a much greater number. Ministers, after a hard contest, were obliged to yield so far, but no further, that all those who voted for the death of Louis XVI. and who had been pardoned in 1814, but again joined Bonaparte in 1815, should be banished from France' for ever. The numbers for still further increasing the exemptions from the Ordinances were 175 to 184. Consequently, the motion was rejected. In the number of regicides was Fouche, who had been previously disgraced from his embassy. At this time it was ascertained ..that only 33 out of 380, who voted for that atrocious deed, were in existence; and almost every one of the latter number had perished in a miserable and untimely manner. The law passed the Upper House without any opposition: and, - in one month, all the remaining regicides were compel

* Sitting of Chambers, 28th October, 1-815.

+ From the most accurate accounts which can be procured, there only remain the following persons of all that dreadful crew; namely, Ducos, Cambaceres, Fouche, Cavaignac, Lecarpantier, Pons, David, Carnot, Barrere, Richard, Sieyes, Alquier, Tallien, Albitte, Cochon, Andre Dumond, Barras, Garos, Thibadeau, Guy Vernon, Merlin de Douay, Quinette, Jean de Bry, Gamon, Garnier, Granet, DuboisDubais, Milhaud, Foucher, Michaud, Bertezene, and Boulay de la Mourthe These alone remain out of upwards of 580. The national razor settled nearly all the rest.

led to leave France. Thus justice at last overtook the few survivors, and the most dangerous; because the most able and cunning of all that terrible band. These survivors were unquestionably the great cause of the last revolution, as they certainly were of the horrors of the first. Their banishment from France shewed the confidence, the wisdom, and the strength of the royalist party. But, though banished because they were regicides, let it not be forgotten that the murder of their King was but a part of their guilt-an item in their enormities. During 1793 and 1794, when these men reigned most conspicuous and triumphant, the lawless rabble of Paris was paid to insult and violate justice, to deride and trample upon humanity.* When we trace that fatal period, wherein to acknowledge the Creator was a crime; and to suffer the sigh of anguish, or tear of pity to escape at the fate of the dearest friend, was immediate death-when we remember their diabolical accusations against their unhappy Queen, and which it required their cruel authority to extort even from villains—when, at their command, we behold the darkest dens of ferocity in the Parisian Fauxbourgs set loose to accompany with derision, and insult the innocent victim to the scaffold-when we hear those horrible bravos, which, issued from the mouths of a pensioned multitude of women and men, degraded below the most savage tribes, and which assailed her ears in her passage to the fatal spot. When we have studied all this, we have still only studied one bloody line in the ponderous volume of these mens' enormities. But the hour of retribution did not stand still, nor the sword of Justice rest in its scabbard. Their adherents fell, and they are at last overtaken. Though at a first view we may suppose that the present punishment of these men is light and inadequate; yet, upon a serious consideration, it is the severest could possibly have befallen them. Drivén from a country which they ruled and misled; which they have corrupted, de

⚫ Amidst the various shews at this time devised to amuse the rabble of Paris, there were erected in the streets places of exhibition, where monsters paid by gov. ernment, imitated the gesture, attitude, and manner of those guillotined; and to which places the mob, after having applauded the latter spectacle, retired to laugh at the former; and these were the villains who were to enlighten Europe. To Waterloo they continued the same. There they mimicked the last pangs of their dying comrades.

graded, and ruined; scattered over a world which their princí ples and their pursuits have covered with irreligion, immorality, sorrow, and misery, they must unpitied drag on a short and wretched existence, amidst the awful contempt of an injured and an indignant world. No conduct of theirs can ever again replace them in that society which they so grossly outraged, and whose bonds they have so cruelly broken. Despair and anguish must be their portion here; happy if their sorrow shall appease that unerring and impartial Justice which shall judge them hereafter.

While the events we have considered were passing in Europe, the Northumberland held on her way through the vast Atlantic, bearing far from Europe her former oppressor and scourge. On the 24th August they reached Madeira, and left it again on the 26th. After a tedious voyage, the convoy, with the most extraordinary cargo ever conveyed to St. Helena, made that island on the 16th October. On the evening of the 18th, about 7 P. M., the debarkation took place. Bonaparte took up his lodgings in the town till a house, in the country, was prepared for his reception. The greater part of his companions were, by this time, completely sick of the expedition. It is a curious fact, that the Northumberland, which conveyed him to St. Helena, was the vessel which, in the action off St. Domingo, took the "Imperiale," much her superior in point of force, and the only vessel in the French navy named after the Imperial dynasty. It is also a remarkable coincidence of events, that Bonaparte, from the consequences of the battle of Waterloo, should land in St. Helena on the 18th of October, the anniversary of the memorable battle of Leipsic, whose consequences sent him to Elba; and also of the anniversary of the battle of the Nara in Russia, which compelled him to leave Moscow on the following morning.

ST. HELENA, the present residence of Bonaparte, is a small island in the South Atlantic ocean, situated in lat. 15° 55′ South, and 5° 49′ West Longitude from Greenwich. From the Lands End in England, it is 4600 English miles distant in a direct line; and by the nearest course which a ship can take thereto, it is about 5800 miles from the same place. It is dis tant from the coast of Congo, in Africa, 1400 English miles;