CHAPTER XXV. WHEN in November, 1742, the new administration again encountered the assembled Parliament, it had already survived the popular impulse which gave it birth, and, while itself discordant, could only lean for strength on the discord and division of its opponents. It had endeavoured, at the close of the last Session, to gratify the Tory party by appointing Lord Gower Privy Seal in the place of Hervey, and Lord Bathurst Captain of the Band of Pensioners. Shortly afterwards, also, the office of Solicitor General was bestowed, and most worthily, on William Murray. But the Tories, and indeed the whole people, disappointed in their vast though vague expectations of national advantage from the Ministerial change, looked on, for the most part, in moody discontent. They felt, as Bolingbroke observed (for Bolingbroke had come over to England on a summer ramble, or perhaps with an ambitious hope), that "the principles of the last Op"position have been the principles of very few of the opposers." With still greater bitterness does he add to Marchmont, "Your Lordship and I, and some few-very "few-besides, were the bubbles of men whose advantage lies in having worse hearts."* And again at a later period, "Liberty has been the cry of one set of men, as prerogative was formerly of another. But it "has been no more than a cry; and the cause of liberty "has been as little regarded by those leaders who gave 66 it out to their troops, as the cause of St. George or St. "Denis was concerned in the battles of the English and "the French." Yet, notwithstanding such angry denunciations of his countrymen, Bolingbroke had determined once more to live among them. We find him again returned to England in January, 1743; and he chiefly 66 66 66 * To Lord Marchmont, October 30. 1742. See the Marchmont Papers, vol. ii. p. 289. 1742. DIVISIONS IN THE NEW CABINET. 133 resided, till his death in 1752, at a house near Battersea, surrounded by the veteran friends of his youth, or the youthful admirers of his genius, and manifesting a far diminished influence, but an unabated eagerness in all political cabals. The new Cabinet was divided into two great and nearly equal sections; the former opponents and the former colleagues of Sir Robert Walpole. Among these last, the most eminent undoubtedly was the Chancellor, Philip Yorke, Lord, and afterwards Earl of, Hardwicke. The family of Hardwicke was neither rich nor old; he owed his elevation solely to himself, to high character, extensive knowledge, and eminent abilities. He was born in 1690, the son of an attorney at Dover; and at the early age of twenty-two we find him amongst the smaller contributors to the Spectator. He was first brought forward in public life by Newcastle and Stanhope, of whom the former named him a Member of Parliament in 1718, and the latter, Solicitor General in 1720.† Rising through the different stages of his profession, and distinguishing himself in all, he at length, in 1737, became Chancellor on the death of Lord Talbot, and continued such for nearly twenty years. Never was that high office more worthily or honourably filled. If we compare him to Somers-yet how difficult to assign the palm between two such mighty names! we should say, perhaps, that Somers was the more distinguished as a statesman, but Yorke the superior as a magistrate. His decisions have ever been revered as a great landmark in our law; nor has calumny once dared to breathe against the uprightness of his motives. Amidst a degenerate age—while a too prevalent corruption had deeply tainted the State, his Judge's ermine, like the fleece of Gideon, shone forth unsullied and pure. As an orator, he was never warm or impassioned, but clear, weighty, and convincing. When he rose in debate, it seemed, says Lord Lyttleton, like Public Wisdom speaking.† His knowledge, high as it * Park's Continuation of Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, vol. iv. p. 267. Mr. Yorke was the author of the letter on travelling, in No. 364., signed Philip Homebred. † Boyer's Political State, vol. xix. p. 351. See H. Walpole's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 303. soared in his own department, was not confined to it: in literature he was accomplished; with foreign affairs well acquainted. Lord Waldegrave, who does not praise him as a statesman, owns, that even in that capacity he had been the main support of the Duke of Newcastle's administration.* The principal blemish which his enemies imputed to him, and probably not without some truth, was avarice; yet, it should be borne in mind that Chancellors are easily, but unjustly, exposed to this charge, from being contrasted with their colleagues and associates, men in general of hereditary fortunes and large expense, whilst the Head of the Law, on the contrary, must endeavour to found a family, and earn an estate, and not leave his son, as a poor Peer, a burthen on his country. This endeavour every thoughtless spendthrift or envious detractor may call avarice; but should not the Historian award to it a nobler name? Of the others who had been Walpole's colleagues, Lord Wilmington, though nominally at the head of the Government, was justly regarded both by his own subordinates and by the public as a mere cypher. The Pelhams, namely, the Duke of Newcastle and his brother, backed by Lord Harrington, cowered beneath the storm that had overwhelmed their late chief; they were supported by the still powerful influence of that chief, from his retirement at Houghton, and by the good opinion of their Royal master; but they directed their views chiefly to future opportunities, and prudently awaited the clearing of the sky. On the opposite side in the Cabinet were Mr. Sandys, Lords Winchelsea, Tweeddale, Gower, and Carteret; the latter considered by the people, and being in fact, the new Prime Minister. His character, which I have elsewhere more fully portrayed †, was a strange medley of brilliant abilities and of boyish freaks. Sometimes astonishing and over-awing his colleagues by his genius, at other moments he must have become their laughing-stock, as when he insisted upon reading to them in Council the love letters he received from Lady Sophia Fermor, a young beauty who became his second wife. "He is never * Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 85. † See vol. ii. p. 53. 135 "sober," writes Horace Walpole, "and his rants are "amazing, but so are his parts and his spirit." The period of his Government was called "the Drunken Ad"ministration," in allusion partly to his convivial habits, but describing also his dashing, bold, and buoyant temper. We are told that, on coming to power, he was base enough to think, and rash enough to say publicly, that England could only be governed by corruption.† He was admirably skilled in all foreign affairs as well as languages, and speedily gained the King's highest favour by going all lengths in his Hanoverian measures. But intent as he was upon diplomatic negotiations and Royal smiles, he neglected all those smaller but necessary cares, by which alone party influence can be acquired or retained. On one occasion we are told, that when the Chief Justice Willes came to apply to him for an appointment, "What "is it to me," cried Carteret, "who is a Judge and who a Bishop? It is my business to make Kings and "Emperors, and to maintain the balance of Europe!" "Then," answered the Chief Justice, "those who want "to be Judges or Bishops will apply to those who will "condescend to make it their business!" And so, indeed, it proved. The disposal of patronage was a labour of love to the Pelhams, and to them accordingly the whole pack of place-hunters - always a large one-repaired. Thus it happened, that in the race of power, which had begun even now, from the declining health of Wilmington, and for the spoils of his succession, Lord Carteret immeasurably superior as he was in genius to the Pelhams far higher as he stood at one time, both in Royal and popular regard sunk down, overpowered beneath their active, consistent, and decorous mediocrity. The great object of George the Second at this time was, to appear, in emulation of William the Third, at the head of a confederate army, and to assist his Electoral * To Sir H. Mann, November 30. 1743, and April 15. 1744. †This remark is eagerly fastened upon by Mr. Carte, and he shrewdly adds, that "the world sooner forgets an ill action in a man than an imprudent speech." To the Pretender, May 4. 1743 Appendix. 66 See H. Walpole's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 147. dominions as largely as possible from his kingdom's resources. With this view, had the British troops been sent to Flanders; with this view, had they been reinforced by 6000 Hessians, taken into British pay, under a convention which Walpole had not long since concluded, and which forms one of the least justifiable acts of his whole administration. But it was now desired to extend this measure still further, and more directly to Hanover, by hiring from the British Treasury 16,000 soldiers of that country. Much as Carteret had clamoured against such a system, while yet in Opposition, he now readily acceded to it, thereby gaining at once the King's highest confidence; it was also, strange as it seems, concurred in by Lord Bath and Mr. Sandys, and adopted by the Cabinet. But when at the opening of Parliament the King's Speech announced the 16,000 Hanoverians, and when hints of British pay for them were thrown out in the Ministerial ranks, it may easily be conceived how adverse was the feeling excited in the country. The hiring of foreigners in bands of mercenaries, however consonant to the rude military system of the darkest ages, is condemned alike by religion and natural reason: it is neither praiseworthy in those who sell their blood, nor in those who buy it; and is rightful only when the former have some national interest of their own in the quarrel, and when the latter have already raised, armed, and tried their own force, and found it unequal to their enemy's. But, independently of these general reflections, it seemed very far from constitutional to have taken a step of such importance, and so great extent, without the previous deliberation and consent of Parliament. But even waiving this also, there still remained the chief grievance which the people felt or the Opposition urged-the glaring partiality to Hanover. It was heaping fuel on a fire that already burned high. Since 1714, it had always been the cry that Hanover was preferred to England: that cry had resounded sometimes with and sometimes without reason; but never had more just cause been afforded it than now. The nation observed, that though Hanover was far more immediately concerned in the event of the present war than England, it did not appear to have con |