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the last extremity of sickness, had surrendered to the constitutional troops of Mexico, on the 17th of November, 1825. This event freed every part of the Mexican territory from the enemy, insured the command of Vera Cruz, one of the most important harbours of the state, and enabled the government to improve its finances, by putting it in its power to reduce greatly the military expenditure. The contemplated reduction in the war establishment was so great, that a committee of finance struck off one half of that item in the budget presented by the minister. The minister and the committee dif

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fered very widely on the financial state and prospects of Mexico; the former, M. Estava, bringing out a deficiency of more than eight millions of dollars upon the accounts of the year, the latter. bringing out a surplus revenue,‹ upon the same accounts, amounting to more than two millions of dollars; the former calculating] upon a much higher expenditure, and a considerably less productive revenue, than the latter thought ought to be allowed and antici- › pated. The Mexican-budget, according to the estimates of these different authorities, was as fol lows:adi jembyr *b* 99, 90pazos b. emilob af to

REVENUE.

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Estimates by the Minister of Finance

D.2,575,732 !!!

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Amended Estimates Amended

by Finance Com. }

9,275,232 1,868,223

1648,142.vl. 1,044,925

84,303 16184,303) 39,784. 39,784

164,246. 164,246

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26,367.7-680,000 9,9509.10. Kib alugod

42,245009.

42,245

*1529,989

0.76 529,989

Rents of the Archbishopric of Mexico'.." tit 86,929 410186,929)

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Home and Foreign A... Ju p. 105,737 105,737

Justice

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6,990,880

Marines.ms/coitariasioned. 30.12,934,535 1,310,785 Financeros.d.mobavil.dostioq.m. Jenin 11,083,143.1,083,143 Arrearsing bouquet. No dud kaup · suuzici (865,804 malond 724,871 Expense of Collection over.do

Pay of Officers...bum. q.2.

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bas awsl et at 1 min996 ofThe president, in his communications to Congress, represented every branch of the revenue to be inso&thriving a condition, that, after defraying the expenses of the administration, and the interest of the debt, a large sum might be expected to remain in the treasury, applicable to other national purposes. The pecuniary engagements of the republic, had, he said, been religiously observed. In the beginning of the year it had become necessary to remit money to London for payment of the dividends on the loan contracted for by Goldschmidt and Co.; what would be wanted for the July dividends was about to be shipped, and the sums which were to come into the treasury by vessels already entered in the ports, would prove sufficient for all the remaining dividends of the year. A sum of money had been lost, and public credit somewhat affected, by the stoppage of Goldschmidt's house; but the executive had immediately restored the credit of its funds by announcing, that the money destined for the regular payment of its obligations was already deposited in the customs.

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Tea.18,086,674 10,292,636 qah bau, pesecqILA

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cabinets of Europe to aid her chimerical designs of recovering them by force. They were all too prudent to involve themselves in so ruinous a contest, and they knew that Great Britain would not look with indifference upon their armed interference. The Mexi can congress resolved to cut off from them all temptation to inter pose even with the influence of their diplomacy in favour of the pretended rights of Spain, by pass ing an act which declared guilty of treason, every person subject to the laws of Mexico, who should propose verbally or in writing, publicly or privately, within or without the territories of the republic, that the state should listen to any proposal, on the part of Spain, or of any other power, which had not for its basis the absolute recognition of the independence of the confederation under its existing form of government. By the same law every person was to be punished with eight years imprisonment who should propose or maintain that Mexico should accede to any demand of indemnity, tribute, or contribution, which might be made by the Spanish government, or by any other in its name, as a compensation for its ancient supremacy.

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Mexico, like the other confederations of South America, was perfectly aware, that Spain, feel ing her own impotence to recover colonies over which she obstinately All the new republics of South asserted an empty title of supre America, in establishing their inmacy, had been using every effort dependence, had declared popery to prevail on the continental to be the national religion; but

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the more I immediate interests of the ecclesiastical.councils, reserved

an arduous struggle for political existence had not left them leisure to attend seriously to ecclesiastical government; while the freedom. with which they applied the property of the church to national purposes, and dispersed congregations of wealthy idlers, seemed to throw weighty obstacles in the way of their reconciliation with the head of their religion. But pope Leo XII was less obstinate than the first born of the church, Ferdinand of Spain, although the latter had been thoroughly stripped even of that influence of opinion, which, among an ignorant and superstitious people, still adhered to the office of the latter. In the preceding year, the pope had addressed a very friendly letter to his beloved son," the president of the United Mexican States, congratulating him on the peace and concord which prevailed under his government, applauding his constancy in the faith, and his veneration for the papal chair, and finally bestowing on him the apostolic benediction, " as one of the best-beloved sons" of the church. Mexico, in return, sent plenipotentiaries to Rome to regulate by a concordat, the relations between the pontiff and the national church. At Rome, they met with a very favourable reception; but the principles laid down by the Mexican senate as the base of the proposed arrangement went to curtail, in its most important points, the power of the Holy See, and to leave merely a mode of communication between it and the national church, under very strict and efficient limitations. The republic, submitting its opinions, in so far as doctrine might be concerned, to

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a perfect freedom. from control on questions of discipline, patronage, church revenues, organization of dioceses, and the election of bishops. All ecclesiastical affairs were to be determined within the republic, according to its laws and the canons; no stranger was to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction by virtue of any commission; monks and nuns, formerly amen. able to authorities out of the republic, were to be subject to their proper metropolitan; and an an nual gift of 100,000 pesos, was offered to his holiness. These incipient negotiations, with the peaceful tenor of the pope's apos tolic benediction, had a beneficial effect on the Mexican clergy, who, seeing their communication with their spiritual head renewed, were under less temptation to contrive its re-establishment through the restoration of Spanish authority, and became more disposed to cons cur in the existing order of things. The religious feelings of Mexican legislators sometimes appeared in forms which rendered ludicrous what they held most sacred.rvin the constituent congress of the state of Mexico itself, on the preamble of the constitution being read, bearing that what followed was decreed," under the auspices of the Supreme Being," Senor Olaez proposed that, in place of these words, the words "in the name of the Almighty God," should be inserted. There was no objection to the first, but he thought the terms most commonly used should be preferred, and justified them by the example of the Spanish constitution, the federation, and many other states. Senor Jauregui opposed the change, on

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the shewing of the last speaker himself, who admitted that it made no difference which of the terms was made use of. According to that principle, there could be no objection to the insertion of the whole creed, the invocation of saints, or whatever the piety of any deputy might suggest.

Senor Villaverde said, that his wish on this subject proceeded neither from prejudice nor fanaticism; but, at the same time, he thought it would be necessary to say God, three in one,' because he knew all the members of that assembly to be Catholics; and by invoking God, the Trinity in Unity, then no Catholic could form a conception of him apart from his divine essence, attributes, and perfections.

Senor Najara thought the invocation of the Supreme Being sufficient, because he was God; but if it was necessary, in framing a political constitution, to shew that they were Catholics, then indeed all that had been proposed was required, and the creed too might be inserted.

Senor Mora said, the congress would make itself ridiculous by mixing up with a political discussion what was the province of a council, He asked, who did not know that he invoked God when he called on the Supreme Being, without the formality of expressing distinctly the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. To say "in the name of God," was to prostitute it; in the same name, the Inquisition had burned. At length the original preamble was carried,

GUATEMALA, or the confederation of CENTRAL AMERICA, presented nearly as unpromising a

spectacle of civil obedience, and po litical tranquillity, as did its neigh bour Colombia. The provincial governments disregarded the commands of the general government, and there scarcely existed any efficient executive authority. Barrundia, the military chief of the province of Guatemala, displeased with certain orders which had been issued by the supreme government, or thinking them encroachments upon the limits of his own command, employed the troops to oppose their execution. The President of the republic had the firmness immediately to put him under arrest; but so violent was the prevalent spirit of disunion, that the disobedient soldier found as warm partisans as the insulted government. The picture of this small confederation, drawn by the president himself in a manifesto which he addressed to the people in the beginning of October, strongly displayed the impotence and anarchy which are the natural attributes of these federal constitutions. The state of Honduras, according to his description, was entirely disorganized, having neither a legislative body, a representative assembly, nor a court of justice. In the state of Nicaragua, the executive and the legislative were at variance, and the citizens, inflamed by an old spirit of discord, were arming against each other. The executive government of Guatemala had conspired against the federal government, had seized the federal revenue, had organized civil war, levied forces, attacked the troops of the republic, and committed other flagrant acts of usurpation and révolt. The federal congress at the close of their session, in the present year, had been

incomplete as to representation, and doubtful of the validity of its proceedings; on this account, the delegations of the states of Salvador and Costa Rica had withdrawn, and other delegations were deficient. The new congress, convoked for the 1st of October, had not been able to assemble then, and would not be able to assemble at all, for want of regularly elected representatives. The senate of the republic was not in existence practically, not having the constitutional number of members; and, of course, the executive was deprived of its constitutional council. Public opinion called imperatively for remedial measures, but these were beyond the legal faculties of the executive alone. In consequence of all these evils, he convoked an extraordinary national congress, to be fully empowered by the people to restore constitutional order, and to meet in the city of Cojutepeque as soon as a proper number of representatives should be freely elected, at the rate of two for every thirtythousand inhabitants.

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by an army of several thousand troops, assisted by vessels of war, while the Spanish flag could not be displayed in any corner of the Pacific; the garrison was now reduced to about five hundred men; who, worn out by famine and fatigue, were sacrificing themselves to a vain obstinacy, without the most distant hope of securing any ultimate advantage by delaying the triumph of the enemy. On the 23rd of January, general Rodil, who had done every thing that fidelity and honour demanded, surrendered the fortress, on condition that he and his men should be allowed, if they should think proper, to return to Europe. He himself immediately took his departure for Spain, where he was honourably received as a trustworthy supporter of the inalienable and absolute supremacy of monarchs; and, as such, was vested with an high command, in the army of observation, which, in the end of the year, was formed on the frontiers to frown at the constitutional army of Portugal,

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The fall of Callao terminated the war the liberation of Peru PERU was the last portion of from the Spanish yoke the object South America from which the for which Bolivar had entered it standard of Spain disappeared, with his Colombians-was now after more than three centuries of effected; there seemed to be no domination. The castle of Callao, reason why his army should any the port of Lima, had already en- longer continue to be a burthen dured a long siege; its garrison, upon the country, or why a Peruunder the command of general vian government should not be inRodil, having submitted with, stalled, and the virtual dictatormuch constancy to scarcity of pro- ship of a foreigner brought to an visions, and withstood the dis- end. Bolivar himself, however, couraging conviction that their seems to have entertained very difenemies were triumphant all ferent notions, to have viewed with around, and that from Spain, of dislike the approaching terminawhose cause they were the last tion of his power, and to have supporters, no succour was to be to be wished to establish in himself a expected. The siege was pressed more lasting and efficient in

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