Mr. Tierney. Then, in point of fact, the Bank did never make any such proposal ["No," across the table]. Then it ought not to have appeared in a written SILK TRADE.] Sir T. Lethbridge communication of their own that they did. presented a petition from certain Silk Mr. Pearse said, that the subject might Throwsters of Somerset, against the im have been touched upon verbally and in-portation of foreign Silks.

Mr. Robertson called the attention of great hopes were entertained by them, the House to one or two facts connected that the House would defend them against with this subject. It was said, that 30 the ruin which awaited them from the per cent was a protecting duty for our measures pursued by government. He silks; but he knew that wrought silks had no great confidence in that source could be introduced, both from India and of relief, when he recollected how his from France, at such a rate as to compete own objections to the measure had fared with our manufacturers when putting the two years ago. But the public mind raw material into the loom. Would the should be set at rest. The master silkHouse, then, allow ministers to persevere weavers could not find employment for in a system which would destroy a trade their people until their own fate was that the country had been nursing for known. Whether right or wrong, they ages? To compete with the French was all said, that if French silk goods were impossible. They had a particular kind let in, there was no chance of selling a of silk which they never allowed to go single yard of English silk. He could forth but in a manufactured state. Let not approve of hearing them in a comthat silk be brought into our market, and mittee, because of the delay which would it would be bought up at whatever price follow. Nor did he hope, if the commitby our fashionables. These silks, once tee were allowed, that they would be able introduced, would drive our produce out to make out the case, that it was imposof the market. Was the English manu-sible for the English manufacture of silks facturer, with a load of debt hanging like a millstone round his neck, to be compelled to a competition with the French manufacturer, whose debt sat so lightly upon him that it was not felt as a burthen? Were they to tolerate such a proceeding? Let them call upon ministers to put this part of their new measures at rest. How else were they to get out of the difficulties and distresses under which the country laboured, unless by giving every stimulus to industry, which was at present at a stand. The labouring classes were without employment, and the means of procuring food or raiment; and yet ministers persisted in subjecting the manufacturers to the competition of cheaper markets.

to bear the competition of a free trade. The case which they had made out to him had left his mind without the shadow of a doubt. Still, the question ought to be set at rest by a bill. The conduct of government justified a suspicion, that they would not scruple to take liberties with the law. The late order to prevent the issuing of stamps from the Stampoffice, was a direct violation of the existing law. He was anxious to get rid of the one and two pound notes, but he wished to see them abolished gradually, and by legal means. He had to complain of a similar infraction with respect to the silk laws. A duty of 7s. 6d. a pound had been laid upon thrown silk. He had said at the time, that every penny of that protecting duty on thrown silk, must so far sacrifice the interest of the manufacturer. An order had lately gone down to state, that it was the intention of government to reduce that duty 2s. 6d., or from that to 3s., as they found that 5s. was a sufficient protection for the throwsters; so completely ignorant were ministers of that interest, concerning which they were so

Mr. Baring presented a petition from Taunton, against the introduction of French silks, which, he said, deserved the serious consideration of the House. The subject, he hoped, would undergo discussion at an early period, seeing that hundreds of thousands of people anticipated ruin and starvation from the importation of foreign silks. It was not now the time for him to go into that dis-ready to advise enactments. As if the cussion; though it would be very desir- law and the parliament were as nothing able if the president of the Board of compared with their own notions, they Trade could contrive to be in his place undertook to accept 5s. per lb. upon an when petitions of this nature were sure article which was to have paid the state to come on. He hoped to see the ques-7s. 6d. per lb. This was a strong case; tion set at rest. The conviction on his own mind was settled long ago. What he wished to see was, whether or no the House would support ministers in their desperate resolution. Great anxiety existed among the silk manufacturers, and

and, like the other, might be justifiable by circumstances. But if so, it was the bounden duty of ministers, to have stated them to parliament, and sought protection from the offended law in a bill of indemnity. The whole trade was unhinged,

and the operatives were in the greatest straits. What he wished was, to impress the minds of ministers with the necessity of speedily taking their case into consideration. The petitioners had requested him to remove an impression which had been made by the hon. baronet (sir T. Lethbridge), that they were satisfied with the corn laws. They had directed him to contradict that statement. Their impression, on the contrary, was, that the principle of free trade must be greatly injurious to the general interests, unless it were extended to corn.

were suffering extreme distress; and were chiefly supported by the warrant of the magistrate. This state of things could not last. What was to follow it? Clearly starvation. He called upon the landed and manufacturing interests to induce ministers to forego a plan which must ruin them all.

Sir T. Lethbridge said, that the hon. member for Taunton had mistaken his expressions, both as to time and meaning. It was not on a petition which he had presented, but in the course of the observations which were made on the report of the Address that he had stated that which he believed to be perfectly correct; namely, that the great body of the ma

Mr. Huskisson wished to excuse himself for not being present sooner. His only apology was, that he had not been absent for his own convenience, but in dis-nufacturers took a more chaste view of charge of the duties of his office, and from which he had repaired to the House. He knew that this apology was inadequate to the occasion; but it was the best he had to offer. As to the order of the Treasury to lower the duty on thrown silk, it was a mistake to state that it was done without authority from parliament. The board of trade having satisfied themselves, that 5s. was a sufficient protection, they had directed so much of the duty to be taken, and that bonds should be given for the excess of 2s. 6d. per pound, should parliament not concur with the government. The House would see at once, that the whole of the duty was secured to the public, should parliament think proper to exact it, and that ministers had by no means assumed a dispensing power over it. He would not now go into the discussion of the deranged state of the trade and currency of the country. When the subject was brought forward in the regular and formal manner, he should be quite prepared to meet the objections to the regulations in the silk trade, and all the other alterations in the commercial system which parliament had adopted. The hon. gentleman himself had given his sanction to much of what had been done; and there certainly was nothing more desirable, than that this matter should be fully discussed in that House.

Mr. Davenport implored ministers to take the subject of the silk trade again into consideration. He gave them credit for their intentions; but the consequences of their measures were just such as, two years ago, he had predicted. Open the ports of England, he had said, to foreign silk, and the home manufacturer must be ruined. In his neighbourhood, thousands

the corn question than before. He had never taken upon him to say, that the manufacturers would have no complaints about the price of corn, however high; but only that, in the present state of the price of provisions, they did not complain of the Corn laws, but of the destruction of their trade. And, indeed, in their present condition, it would not be surprising if they were to complain of the price of provisions, however low. Yet, to be candid, he could not but look upon this alteration of the silk trade as an outwork to a similar alteration in the Corn laws, which, if not directly touched, was so by a side-wind, tending at no distant period to an open trade in corn. From the distress resulting to the manufacturers from this first attempt, the House might be called upon to consider of a similar alteration in the corn trade. He thought that, if the intentions of government bore that way, the more manly course would have been to begin with the corn trade. For his own part, he must oppose any proposition like that of a free trade of corn. As long as the national debt remained, no such thing could be listened to. The country could not support that competition and its present burthens together. He would be as glad as any to see low prices, but high prices there must be. The prices must be kept up by an import duty, amounting to an absolute prohibition, so long as the interest of the national debt was to be paid.

Mr. Ellice said, that the hon. baronet was certainly right in considering this measure as the outwork of an attack on the Corn laws. If the principle of freedom was to be applied to other trades, it ought to be applied to the trade in corn.

With respect to the case of the silk manu- | been sent from this country with instrucfacturers, a great uncertainty prevailed tions from government, to obtain informin the public mind upon that subject. ation respecting the corn trade of those He intended shortly to move to have all countries in Europe from which England the petitions referred to a committee. imported grain. He had returned, after Much useful light had already been making all the necessary inquiries, and thrown on this subject, and much more a very few days ago had put into his might be expected. It was the opi- hands, a report of great extent. It connion of persons who had the best conti- tained 150 folio pages, together with a nental intelligence, that unless there was voluminous appendix. As yet he had a great improvement in machinery, and a been unable to read the report. As far great reduction in the price of corn, they as he knew of it, however, he had no could not proceed with this bill, without reason to think that the gentleman had throwing out of employment the great not obeyed his instructions; and if this mass of people engaged in the trade. should continue to be his opinion after a Whether that trade could be built up perusal of the report, he knew of nothing again, was another question; but the pre- which ought to prevent its being laid besent ruinous effect was clearly contem- fore parliament. plated. The bill had, notwithstanding, one good effect. It had induced the silk manufacturers to institute a full inquiry into the state of their trade, and the result was a conviction on their part, that the foreign competition would prove ruinous to the home manufacturer.

Mr. Baring said, he had never encouraged this particular measure respecting silk: on the contrary, he was almost the only person who had raised his voice against it from the outset. Still it was rather hard, he must admit, to throw the whole responsibility of the bill upon ministers, since it had passed through the House with almost unanimous approbation. He was old enough to know, that those measures were not always the best and wisest which received the readiest acquiescence of that House.

Mr. Huskisson said, he never intended to intimate that his hon. friend had supported this particular measure. All he meant to state was, that the opening of the colonial trade, and the removal of the duty on the raw material, had his hon. friend's approbation.

Ordered to lie on the table.

CORN LAWS.] Mr. Baring said, he understood, that a gentleman had lately returned from the Continent, who had been abroad during the whole of last year, under instructions from his majesty's government to collect information on the state of the foreign corn trade. He was anxious to know if that gentleman had made any report upon the subject, and if so, whether and when it would be presented.

Mr. Huskisson had no difficulty in stating, that the individual alluded to had

BANK OF ENGLAND BALANCES, &c.] Mr. Grenfell said, that although the accounts for which he was about to move were generally granted without opposition, he hoped, under the particular circumstances of the times, that he should be allowed a brief explanation of his views as connected with them. The accounts referred first to the balances lodged by the government, for the public, in the Bank; and next, to the charges for the management of the public debt, and other services performed by the Bank for the public. It was, perhaps, in the recollection of those who now heard him, that when he had first called the attention of parliament to the affairs of the Bank, the production of these accounts was resisted, not only by that corporation, but by the then chancellor of the Exchequer. After, however, a two or three years perseverance in calling for them, the resistance gave way, and on every successive year that he had since called for them, they were yielded without a struggle. It was thought by many, that the publicity which had been given to the transactions between the government and the Bank had been productive of public good. And, when he considered the approaching period of the expiration of the charter-a charter which he hoped and trusted would expire-he thought that, as the question between the Bank and the public was about to terminate, he should be allowed to say a few words for perhaps the last time, on the state of their affairs. The first class of accounts which he now called for related to the deposits of public money lodged in the Bank for current use, in the same manner as any gentleman kept his