Russia would not be suffered to acquire a footing in Korea without something more than a protest on the part of Japan. From the Japanese standpoint, Russia has no shadow of an excuse, beyond a mere desire for self-aggrandisement, for interference in Korea. Japan, on the other hand, is already greatly pressed for an extension of her area, and she hopes by the acquisition of some colonies to find the needed outlet for her surplus population. She realises that a Russian domination of Korea would mean a constant peril to Japan, and would prefer to come to blows with Russia and stay her continued descent on the shores of the Japan Sea, rather than imitate the timid vacillation of Great Britain and allow her rival to forge ahead and choose her own time for that struggle which must one day come.

In 1898, Japan had advanced the money necessary to complete the long talked of railway between Seoul and Chemulpho, and in August of the same year Russia gave fresh evidence of her designs on Korea by despatching M. Pavloff, minister to Seoul. M. Pavloff, who had previously held the post of Russian chargé d'affaires at Peking, had shown himself unusually able and unscrupulous even for a member of the Russian diplomatic service, and most of the gains attained by Russia in China during the previous three years had been due to his initiative. The posting of so able a man at Seoul affords undoubted evidence of Russia's intention of attempting to gradually absorb that country. An attempt to poison the emperor was made in September, but it only resulted in making him very ill. The suspected conspirators were arrested and hanged. In 1899, the Japanese government took over the scheme for a railway to unite Seoul and Fusan, a distance of 300 miles. The country remained quiet during this year, the only incident being the occurrence of a famine due to the dry weather during the summer. The air was, however, full of rumours respecting Russia's intentions, and it gradually came to be regarded as certain that a struggle between that country and Japan for the mastery of Korea could not be much longer deferred.

CHAPTER VI

RIVAL POLICIES

Contrasts in method-Britain's idea in her Eastern intercourseAmerican aims-Unselfishness of both-The charter of British rights in China-Her predominance-Lack of appreciation of the Oriental character-Chinese peculiarities-Corruptness-Venality -Growth of trade-Policy of non-interference-The struggle for China-The Russian aim-Rapidity of its attainment-Her methods -Militarism-Communications-Precautions-Her thoroughness— The seizure of Saghalin-Origin of the Siberian Railway-The Liaotung peninsula, British interests-Diplomatic negotiationsRussian pledges-Their value-Manchurian Railway agreement— Its effect-Chinese desire for British support-Her fear of Russia -Cession of Port Arthur-Party government and autocracy— French aims in the Far East-Her ambitions political, not commercial-Her jealousy of England-Her policy in the SouthGerman aims-Portugal-England and America the arbiters of the Far East-The treaty-port system-Spheres of influence versus equality of opportunity-The prospects of each-Doom of the latter-Future necessities-Growth of Russian influence-The Powers and the open door-American interests-The battle of the policies.

THE foregoing accounts of the development of European relations with the countries of the Far East will have brought into prominence the contrast between the nations. concerned. It will have been noted that the overtures for mutual intercourse have always come from the stranger, and never from the native. Indeed, up till quite a recent date, and so far as China and Korea are concerned up till to-day, the presence of Europeans among the Orientals of Eastern Asia has been resented, and no abuse has been considered too strong to be hurled at the detested invaders.

On the other hand, while the incursions of Western

nations in the countries of further Asia have been persistent, and at times marked by methods which must be deplored, there is a material difference in the modus operandi, followed by the different races who have succeeded in pushing their way among the exclusive Asiatics. No greater contrast could, for instance, be found than that between the objects and methods of the early English traders in China and the Russian prospectors who crossed the Chinese frontier about the same time. France, again, has been egged on, in her operations in China, by aims entirely different from those which actuated England, and the variety in the attitudes and actions of these different countries has not been wasted on the observant natives.

We have seen that it was England that succeeded in opening up China to the trade of the world; for the earlier efforts of Portugal were on a very inferior scale. But the credit of making Japan available to European commerce rests with the United States, and with the same Power lies the honour of having inserted the thin edge of the wedge into implacable Korea. implacable Korea. As is customary among the most highly civilised nations, the first duty recognised, alike by England and America, after obtaining a new outlet for trade, is to share that right with other countries; and thus the acquisition of trade facilities in Japan and Korea by America was followed by the conclusion of similar treaties between those countries and Great Britain, just as we have invariably accorded our privileges in China to the government of the United States.

With the other Powers the case has been reversed. The first step taken alike by France and Russia after acquiring an accession of territory in the Far East, has always been to close that territory against the trade and intercourse of foreign nations; and, in the case of Russia, the measures taken are so stringent as to prevent even travellers from traversing her Asiatic provinces, unless provided with a special permit issued for a particular purpose by favour of the authorities.

This contrast in method is of the utmost concern to the

BRITISH AIMS IN ASIA

103

question of the Far East. It is the true origin of the crux of the matter, and marks the demarcation of interests which has of late years become so acute in Eastern Asia.

Great Britain, in her Asiatic activities, has been actuated by a desire which is dictated by the necessities of her existence. A small country, possessing a teeming population the majority of whom are traders, it becomes a vital necessity for her to obtain an extension of area for the emigration of her people, and facilities for the extension of her trade. Ever the leader in the progress of the world, Britain early solved the problem of the conditions most favourable to national prosperity, and realised that open competition without fear or favour was the best and in every respect most healthy condition for ensuring the prosperity of the people. From the period of her earliest intercourse with Eastern Asia she has sought no territory. Nor has she endeavoured to attain any form of exclusive privilege or superior opportunity for the benefit of her trade. All that she has striven for has been access to the countries of the Far East for the purpose of trade, and the enjoyment of such privileges as have been accorded to other nations, and no more. Such territory as she has become possessed of has been attained in self-defence, for the purpose of protecting her subjects in times of stress, and serving as a base where the forces necessary for the safeguarding of her interests may be stationed so as to be available in case of need.

The government of the United States, profiting by the example of Great Britain, has till quite recently, followed the same principle in regard to the Pacific coast line. During the whole of her intercourse with China and Japan, which dates from the year 1786, America made no attempt to obtain an acre of Asiatic territory for her exclusive use, until 1898, when she proclaimed her rule over the Philip pines in token of her successes in the war with Spain.

France and Russia, on the other hand, appear to have vied with one another in their efferts at despoiling China; and the result shows vast stretches of territory undeveloped, closed to foreign trade, and held by forces which

cause a constant unrest in their vicinity, and hold threats of war, like the sword of Damocles, over the heads of the terrified subjects of the countries they have despoiled.

The aims of the various Powers who have sought a footing in the Far East vary as much as do those of the countries which they seek to exploit; and the contrast between the progressive attitude of Japan and the retrograding tendencies of China and Korea is no more marked than is the antagonism displayed by the policies of Russia and of England in regard to them. The objects held in view of these Powers in their Asiatic endeavours are indeed distinct from one another.

Thus while England has been prompted solely by a desire to extend her markets, and so indulge in her weakness for conversion of the heathen, Russia aims only at the extension of her territory, and the pushing of her frontiers southward, in order that she may attain strength and take a prominent part in the naval and military interests by which the balance of power is maintained. Germany and Japan are alike primarily interested in the development of that increased trade which they do not find elsewhere, and the latter is further intent on consolidating her interests and obtaining an access of territory suited to the requirements of her surplus population. France, on the other hand, is actuated mainly by that love of display which forms so prominent a characteristic in her political existence, and seeks territorial aggrandisement, not with a view to the development of the territory attained, so much as in order that her colonies may increase in extent and add to the gratification of her military ardour. In addition to this, our neighbours across the Channel have for many years past played a leading part in the attempted Christianising of the Chinese, and she has in this regard attained a greater measure of success than have any of her rivals.

The leading factor then in the policy of England in the Far East has always been a desire to open up friendly relations with the countries of that region, without attempting to obtain any territory for her exclusive posses