mires; and, if there still remain any defenders of our glory, it is among those very enemies whom we have fought on the field of battle. Soldiers! in my exile I have heard your voice: I have arrived through all obstacles and ali perils; your general, called to the throne by the choice of the people, and educated under your banners, is restored to you; come and join lum. Tear down those colours which the nation has proscribed, and which for twenty-five years served as a rallying signal to all the enemies of France: mount the cockade tricolour; you bore it in the days of our greatness. We must forget that we have been masters of nations; but we must not suffer any to intermeddle in our affairs. Who shall presume to be master over us? Who would have the power? Recover those cagles which you had at Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylan, at Friedland, at Tudela, at Eckmuhl, at Essling, at Wagram, at Smolensko, at Moscow, at Lutzen, at Varken, at Montmirail. Do you think that the handful of Frenchmen who are now so arrogant will endure to look on them? They shall return whence they came, and there, if they please, they shall reign, as they pretend to have reigned during nineteen years. Your possessions, your rank, your glory-the possessions, the rank, the glory of your children-have no greater enemies than those princes whom foreigners have imposed upon us; they are the enemies of our glory, because the recital of so many heroic actions which have glorified the people of France fighting against them, to withdraw themselves for their yoke, is their condemnation. The veterans of the armies of the Sambre and the Meuse, of the Rhine, of Italy, of Egypt, and of the West, of the grand army, are all humiliated: their honourable wounds are disgraced; their successes were crimes; those heroes were rebels, if, as the enemies of the people pretend, the legitimate sovereigns were in the midst of the foreign armies. Honours, rewards, affection, are given to those who have served against their country and us. Soldiers! come and range yourselves under the standards of your chief: his existence is only composed of your's, his rights are only those of the people and your's; his interest, his honour, his glory, are no other than your interest, your honour, and your glory. Victory shall march at the charging-step: the eagle, with the national colours, shall fly from steeple to strepie, even to the towers of Notre-Dame. Then you will be able to show your scars with honour: then you will be able to glory in what you have done; you will be the deliverers of the country. In your old age, surrounded and esteemed by your fellowcitizens, they will hear you with respect while you recount your high deeds; you will be able to say with pride :--And I too was part of that grand amy, which entered twice the walls of Vienna, those of Rome, of Berlin, of Madrid, of Moscow; and which delivered Paris from the foul blot which treason, and the presence of the enemy, imprinted on it. Honoured be those brave soldiers, the glory of the country; and eternal shame to those guilty Frenchmen, in whatever rank fortune caused them to be born, who fought for twenty-five years with foreigners to tear the bosom of our country. NAPOLEON. Grasse, Digne, Gap, and finally to GreFrom Cannes he pushed forward to noble, where he was joined by the garrison of 10,000 men, and where he found arms and ammunition for his followers. On the 10th he entered the large and po pulous city of Lyons, after an ineffectual resistance from the Compte D'Artois, the Duc d'Orleans, and Marshal the Duc de Tarente. Being joined every where by the troops, and bailed by the people, he proceeded on the 13th, in a sort of procession, the wards Paris; and on the 20th entered that city, without having had occasion in his route to fire a single gun! The royal family, the priests, and the English, left Paris on the 19th, suffering all the inconveniences which are incident to such great political revolutions. On the first intelligence of his landing, the Bourbon court issued the two following proclamations, and various measures of precaution were adopted, but in vain, for the soldiery and the populace every where, and almost to a man, declared for their former emperor. ration is felt for the exiled family, whose A very sincere sentiment of commisse private virtues are universally acknow ledged, whatever may have been their political foibles, or however awkward the predicament in which they stood before the French nation as a legacy of the allied powers. Our gratification in their establishment at the head of a free constitution was as warm and sincere as our mortification was great on learning that they were compromising those principles which are the best securities of thrones, On the 16th, Louis went to the Chamber of Peers, and accepted the constitution; but, alas! like a death-bed repentance, this act was performed too late. "LOUIS, Declarations against Napoleon. 1815.] "LOUIS, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all those who shall see these presents, health. "The 12th article of the Constitutional Charter charges ns especially with making regulations and ordonnances necessary for the safety of the state. It would be essen tially compromised if we did not take prompt measures to repress the enterprise which has just been formed upon one of the points of our kingdom, and to prevent the cffects of plots and attempts to excite civil war and destroy the government. "Art. 1. Napoleon Bonaparte is deelared a traitor and rebel, for having appeared with arms in his hands in the department of the Var. It is enjoined to all governors, commanders of the armed force, national guards, civil authorities, and even simple citizens, to arm against him, to arrest, and carry him before a council of war, which, after having recog aised his identity, shall apply to him the penalties pronounced by the law. "2. Shall be punished with the same penalties, as guilty of the same crimes. "The soldiers and persons of every grade, who shall have accompanied or followed the said Bonaparte in his invasion of the French territory, unless, in the course of eight days from the publication of the present ordonnance, they come and make their submission to our governors, commanders of military divisions, generals, or Civil administrators; "3. Shall be equally prosecuted and punished as abettors and accomplices of rebellion, and of attempts to change the form of government and provoke civil war, all civil and military administrators, chiefs, and persons employed in the said administration, payers and receivers of public money, even simple citizens, who shall, directly or indirectly, lend aid and assistance to Bonaparte ; "4. Shall be punished with the same penalties, conformably to the 102d article of the Penal Code, those who by speeches made in public places or societies, by placards stuck up, or by printed writings, hall have taken part, or engaged citizens to take part in the revolt, or to abstain from repelling it. "5. Our chancellor, ministers, secretaries of state, and our director general of police, each in what concerns him, are charged with the execution of the present ordonnance, which shall be inserted in the Bulletin of Laws, addressed to all governors of military divisions, generals, commanders, prefects, sub-prefects, and may ors of our kingdom, with orders to cause it to be printed and stuck up at Paris, and wherever else it may be needful. "Given at the castle of the Thuilleries, 6th March, 1815, and the 20th year of our reign. (Signed,) "LOUIS." MONTHLY MAG. No. 267. 265 WAR DEPARTMENT. Order of the Day-To the Army. "Soldiers!-The man who so lately ab dicated, in the face of all Europe, an usurped power, of which he made so fatal a use, Bonaparte, has landed on the soil of France-a soil to which he should have never returned. What does he want? Where shall we find them? Should it be Civil war! Who desires it? Traitors! among the soldiers whom he has deceived and sacrificed so many times? Should it be in the bosoms of those families whom his very name is sufficient to affright? Bonaparte mistakes us enough to believe, that we can abandon a legitimate and of a man who is no more than an advenwell-beloved sovereign, to partake the fate and his last act of madness places it beyond turer. He believes it. What stupidity! doubt. Soldiers! the French army is the bravest in Europe-it will prove itself also the most faithful. Let us rally then round the banner of the Lily, to the voice of the father of his people, of the worthy inheritor of the virtues of Henry IV. He has prescribed to you the duties you have to full. He has put at your head a Prince, the model of French chivalry,whose blessed return to our country has chased away the usurper, and who this day goes by his presence to destroy his last and only hope. Paris, March 8. DALMATIA. The following important DECLARATION of the Confederates at Vienna was signed before they could know how decisively Napoleon was accepted by the French people. At the time we write, it is considered as the pledge of a SEVENTH Crusade, more bloody than any of the preceding; but let us hope, that Sovereigns whose MAGNANIMITY we have so lately lently, yield to the force of circumstances, commended, will, as wisely as benevowhich appear to be above the controul of the sword. of Paris, assembled at the Congress at "The powers who have signed the Treaty Vienna, being informed of the escape of Napoleon Bonaparte, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity, and the interest of social order, to make a solemn declaration of the sentiments which this event has excited in them. "By thus breaking the Convention, which has established him in the Island of Elba, Bonaparte destroys the only legal title on which his existence depended-by appearing again in France with projects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has manifested to the universe, that there can be neither peace nor truce with him. "The powers consequently declare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social rela2 M tions, tions, and that, as an enemy and disturber of the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public vengeance. "They declare, at the same time, that, firmly resolved to maintain entire the Treaty of Paris of May 50, 1814, and the dispositions sanctioned by that Treaty, and those which they have resolved on, or shall hereafter resolve on, to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their efforts; thus the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant purpose of their labours may not be again troubled, and to guarantee against every attempt which shall threaten to re-plunge the world into the disorders and miseries of revoution. "And, although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate Sovereign, will immediately annihilate this last attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium, all the sovereigns of Europe, ani mated by the same sentiments, and guided by the same principles, declare, that if, contrary to all calculations, there should result from this event any real danger, they will be ready to give the King of France, and to the French nation, or to any other government that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be called upon, all the assis tance requisite to restore public tranquilJity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compro mise it. "The present Declaration, inserted in the Register of the Congress, assembled at Vienna on the 15th of March, 1815, shall be made public. "Done and attested by the plenipotentiaries of the high powers who signed the Treaty of Paris. "Vienna, March 13, 1815.” The KING and his Court fled partly to England and partly to Belgium, by Lille, accompanied by Marmont, Berthier, and Macdonald. NAPOLEON marched into Paris at the head of the very troops and volunteers who had been assembled at Melun to oppose him, but who, on his approach alone, received him with enthusiasm. He has issued numerous decrees, annulling every measure and regulation of the Bourbons, and proposing some constitutional arrangements, in which he proposes to consult the people. Ilis ministers are, CARNOT, CAMBACERES, CAULINCOURT, GAUDIN, DECRES, PRINCE D'ECKMUHL, FOUCHE, SAVARY, MARET, &c.; and the marshals who have joined him are, MASSENA, NEY, SUCHET, &c. The easily organizable force of Napoleon is estimated at 400,000 men, chiefly veterans, and that of the confederates at double the number. GREAT BRITAIN. Preparations for the renewal of the war are making in the army and navyfleets are fitting out-cruizers are at sea -regiments are on voyage to Belgium, &c.; but let us hope that they are but manifestations, and that war will not prove the only alternative. The following spirited Address is preserved as a specimen of the tone and argument of the petitions, signed by 1,800,000 persons against the Corn Bill. To the Prince of Wales, Regent of the United Kingdom, &c. The humble, dutiful, and loyal Address and Petition of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London, in Common Council assembled. May it please your Royal Highness, subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Commons, of the City of London, in Com mon Council assembled, most humbly ap proach your Royal Highness with no less ceedings in parliament relative to a bill for grief than astonishment at the late prolaying further restrictions on the impor tation of corn. voice of the country has been constitu We have seen, that, notwithstanding the tionally and most decidedly declared against that measure by petitions, which in point of number, and the number and re spectability of the signatures thereto had not been exceeded in the history of these realms, the House of Commons has passed the said Bill, and that its proceedings thereon have been marked with a precipi tancy, and pertinacious adherence to the most obnoxious features thereof, which plainly evinces an utter disregard of public feeling, and of that public opinion whose organ it ought to be. We have observed in the other honse of parliament, the same precipitancy and the same determination to resist further enquiry or to hear evidence, notwithstanding a committee of that right honourable house had stated in their report during the last session, that the investigation was not complete, and that further enquiry would be necessary before any alteration took the growers and consumers of corn. place in the laws affecting the interests of We have observed the ministers of the crown with the same disregard of the general voice of the country, and whose espe Cial duty it was to watch over the interests, not merely of the land-owners, but of the community at large, lend the sanction of their authority to the support of a measure which, in its operation, cannot fail of prov ing most seriously injurious to the mannfacturing and commercial interests of the kingdom, in a very high degree oppressive to the poor, and dangerous to the tranquil, lity and safety of the empire. That, thus de rived of that protection 18'5.] 207 which we might reasonably have exp ectedon the behalf of his majesty, your royal as. from the representatives of the people, and sent to the said bill; and we further pray tive hereditary legislators of the country, your royal highness to dissolve the Comwe are compelled humbly to lay our com- mons House of Parliament, who have fur. plaints before your royal bigliness, as the dished the most conclusive evidence that only constitutional resource we have now they do not support the interests, nor repreremaining. sent the feelings or opinions of the people. We beg most earnestly to impress upon To which address his Royal Highness your royal highness, that the two houses of relu ed the following answer :parliament being composed of lauded pro- I have heard with the greatest concern prietors that having examined such per the sentiments contained in this your adsons only as were land-agents, and other dress and petition. wise conected with land, and having in- I shall ever be desirous of paying to stitnted no enquiry into the truth of the al- the representations of any part of his malegations of the numerous petitions against jesty's subjects all the attention which may the said bill, nor any witnesses having been be consistent with the duty imposed upon examined on their behalf, appears most me by the sacred trust committed to my partial and anjast, and highly irritating to charge ; but I feel that it would be a derethe feelings of those classes who have suf- liction of that duty, if, in compliance with fered such privations, and made such unex. the wishes which you have thought proper pled sacrifices. to express, I were to withhold the royal That, during a period of unexampled dif- sanction from the important measure which fically, and excessive dearness of every ar- now awaits it, and so to exercise tle king's ticle of consumprion, your royal highness prerogative, as to indicate a want of confi. cannot bat lave perceived that the war, dence in a parliament which, under diffi. which was the occasion of distress to the culties the most trying, has, by the wisdom, industrions and laborious classes of the peo- vigour, and firmness of its conduct, invariaple, has, by causing a progressive rise in bly upheld the honour of his majesty's the rent of land, been a source of emolu. crown, and promoted the best interests of ment to the landed proprietors. his people. That it is, therefore, with concern and On ihe same afternoon he gave the disappointment we liave observed, that at royal assent to the bill. a moment when the people were anxiously NORTH AMERICA. experting the blessings of peace, a dimino MR. PRESIDENT Madison having tion of their barthens, and ihe cheapness of food—the landowners, not content with promptly ratified the Treaty of Peace the advantages they had thus derived, not signed at Ghent, hostilities have happily content withi having escaped those losses terinivated between two countries which and misfurtnpes which had involved thou. ought never to have been at war. sands of other classes of the community in A Treaty of Peace and Amity between his ruiu, not content with being relieved from Britannic Majesty and the United States the property tax, bave sought by the said of America, signed at Ghent, December bill is protect their property from those 24th, 1811. elanges and Anctuations to wbich all other ARTICLE I.--There shall be a firm and property is liable ; and to secure to them. nviversal Peace between his Britannic Ma. seives in time of peace a continuance of jesty and the United States, and between those benefits which have arisch out of the their respective countries, territories, cities, war and distress of the times. towns, and people, of every degree, with Your royal highness must be duly sensi. out exception of places or persons. All ble that this country has risen to its pre- hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease eminent rank among nations by its mann- as soon as this treaty shall have been rafactures and commerce—it is by that it has tified by both parties, as hereinafter menacquired its wealth, which has raised and tioned. All territory, places, and possessepported its navy, and promoted the great. sions whatsoever, taken by either party bess and glory of the British empire. from the other during the war, or which That, by the inprovements in various may be taken after the signing of this francbes of manufactures in other coun- treaty, excepting only the islands hereafter tries, and by the introdnction of machinery, mertioned, shall be restored without delay, Fe bave already formidable competition to and without cansing any destruction, or tuconoter, and that this measure, by keep- carrying away any of the artillery, or other ng up the price of food, will cause the public property, originally captured in the migration of our manufacturers and arti- said forts or places, and which shall remain safis, and tend to transfer the skill, indus- therein upon the exchange of the ratifica#s, and capital of this kingdom to other tions of this treaty, or any slaves or other mtions. private property. And all archives, re. We therefore humbly implore your reyal cords, deeds, and papers, either of a public heigturss to extend yonr royal protection nature or belonging to private persons, to interests so closely connected with the which in the course of the war may have prosperity of these realms, by withholding, fallen into the hands of the oificers of 2 M. either either party, shall be, as far as may be practicable, forthwith restored, and delivered to the proper authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by both parties, shall remain in the possession of the party in whose occupation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the said islands shall have been made, in conformity with the fourth article of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such possession of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, shall, in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the right of either. II.-Immediately after the ratifications of this treaty by both parties, as herein after mentioned, orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects, and citizens of the two powers, to cease from all hostilities. And, to prevent all causes of complaint which might arise on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days from the said ratifications, upon all parts of the coast of North America, from the latitude of 23 degrees north to the latitude of 50 degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlantic Ocean as the 36th degree of west longitude from the ineridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side; that the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic Ocean north of the equinoctial line or equator, and the same time for the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and all parts of the West Indies; forty days for the North Seas, for the Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean; sixty days for the Atlantic Ocean south of the equator, as far as the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope; ninety days for every other part of the world south of the equator; and one hundred and twenty days for all other parts of the world, without exception III.-All prisoners of war taken on either side, as well by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the ratifications of this treaty as herein after mentioned, on their paying the debts which they may have contracted during their captivity. The two contracting parties respectively engage to discharge in specie the advances which may have been made by the other for the sustenance and maintenance of such prisoners. IV. Whereas it was stipulated by the 2d article in the Treaty of Peace of 1783, between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, that the boundary of the United States should comprehend "all Islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries, between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such Islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the limits of Nova Scotia." And whereas the several Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the Island of Grand Menan, in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by the United States, as being comprehended within their aforesaid boundaries, which said Islands are claimed as belonging to his Britannic Majesty, as having been at the time of, and previous to the aforesaid treaty of 1783, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia; in order, therefore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed that they shall be referred to two Commissioners, to he appointed in the following manner, viz. :-One Commissioner shall be appointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof; and the said two Commissioners so appointed, shall be sworn impartially to examine and decide upon the said claims, according to such evidence as shall be laid before them on the part of his Britannic Majesty and of the United States respertively. The said Commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the province of New Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. The said Commissioners shall, by a declaration or report under their hands and seals, decide to which of the two contracting parties the several Islands aforesaid do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said Treaty of Peace of 1783; and if the said Commissioners shall agree in their decision, both parties shall consider such decision as final and conclusive. It is further agreed, that in the event of the two Commissioners differing upon all or any of the matters so referred to them, or in the event of both or either of the said Commissioners refusing or declining, or wilfully omitting to act as such, they shall make, jointly or separately, report or reports, as well to the government of his Britannic Majesty as to that of the United States, stating in detail the points on which they differ, and the grounds upon which their respective opinions have been formed, or the grounds upon which they, or either of them, have so refused declined, or omitted to act. And his Britannic Majesty and the government of the United States hereby agree to refer the report or reports of the said Com. missioners to some friendly Sovereign or State, to be then named for that purpose, and who shall be requested to decide on the differences which may be stated in the said |