com' C. Hend', &c., predicto J. de capit', &c. Et nos Johannes Myagh, maior civ' C., ad rogatum predicta Cecilia sigillum officii maioratus nostri apponi fecimus. Dat' apud Cork die Jovis prox' post festum S. Jacobi Apost', anno Regis Henrici quinti sexto. (Seals, A heart within a tressure of cinquefoils for C. R., and the arms of Plantagenet for the Mayor.) S. p. et f. quod ego Andreas fil' Johan' Daundon dedi, &c., Philippo fil’ Thomæ militis de Glen omnia, &c., quæ habui die confectionis presentis in Dromlochayn in dominio de Gl...ethe, &c. Habend' eidem P. et hed' de capit' dominis feodi, &c. Dat' apud Inyskesty, in crast' S. Mich', anno Regis Henrici sexti tercio. Test' Thoma fil' Edemundi, Roberto Purcell, Theobald Russell, Gilberto fil' Walteri Russell, Philippo fil' Milonis Russell, Thoma oge Russell, Roberto fil' offrey Russell, Edemundo Brown, Philippo fil' Thomæ Englond, Johanne fil' Philippi de Soasth, Remundo Carragh de Foasth, Edewardo London, Georgio London, et aliis. EARLY CHARTERS RELATING TO KINSALE. HÆC indent' testatur quod Henricus Ode Wenyll, piscator de Kinsale, dedit, &c., Johanni Maroys de K. unum mes' in villa de K. jacens in lat' inter terram dicti Henrici exparte orient' et terram Ricardi Noccus de Rynroon in occident'. Habend' in perpetuum. Reddend' annatim xxviii. denar' et capit' dominis feodi serv'. Dat' apud K. die Merc' prox' post festum S. Mathei Apost', anno Regis Edwardi tercii vicesimo nono. Test' Waltero Rath, Walt' Bosto, Nicho' Brys, Willo' Glannor, Ricardo Sphanks, et aliis. S. p. et f. quod nos Willus' Otordane propositus villæ de K. et communitas ejusdem villæ dedimus Annsie Bron unum mess', &c., in K., situat' in vico qui voc' Stradyndornok jacens in lat' a terra Mathei Myagh ex boreali usque ad terram Rici' Burgers ex Aust', in long a litore maris ex orient' ad com' viam ex occid'. Habend' in perpetuum. Dat' apud K., die Ven' prox' post festum S. Hyllarii, anno Regis Ricardi secundi terciodecimo. Test' Johanne Galwy, Patricio Galwy, Willmo' Blanked, David Wygmor, Johanne Scotte, Johan' Hore, et aliis. S. p. et f. quod ego Ricardus O. de Wenyll dedi, &c., Willmo' Walisth unum mes' terræ in K. quod jacet inter mes' Henr' Boly exparte boreali et com' viâ ex Aust' a mare ex orient' usque ad viam quæ ducit ad Drudyke ex occid'. Habend' red' duos solidos arg'. Dat' apud K., die Sabbati prox' post festum Lucia virg', anno Regis Ricardi Secundi vicesimo primo. S. p. et f. quod ego Ricardus Hore dedi, &c., Johanni H. unum mes' in K. jacens in lat' inter terram Thomæ fil. David de Rupe ex boreali et terram Johan' Galwy ex aust' in long' a via regia ex orient' ad terram Thomæ fil' Walteri de Rupe ex occid'. Habend' in perpetuum. Red' capit' dom' feodi, &c. Dat' apud K., die Jovis prox' ante festum S. Nichi' Epi' anno Regis Ricardi Secundi vicesimo secundo. Test' Johanne Galwy, Willmo' Blanket, Patricio Galwy, Johan' Scotte, Andr' Enerey, Thoma Sperok, Robto' Drake, et aliis. (Seals, Holy lamb with banner, and initials T. P.) A grant of same to John Lyon, same date and seal. S. p. et f. quod ego Katerina Mervagh feci Dom' Philippum O'Keborne capellanum, ballivum meum ad recepiendum nomine meo plenar' seysinam in xiv. solid' annal' reddit' quos Johannes Leones percipere debuit, in vico qui Ep. et f quod ego Thomas Lyon deli, de, Whiz' Any man mess” in barg de K. quod juos inter se teretan Johar' Gavy ex aust" et ness Thome £ ̈ Duli Rodi er boreal in at et long a via regia itidem anterius ex orient" ad terram Mauris € Viis Roche posterius ex com. Habeaf” de capit, e. Let' apid K., die Mere? prox' post festum S. Soolastice ring, anno Regis Heuriel sexti primo. Test' Johanne £ Thome Hore tune preposito de K, Gufrido Guiry, Maur Boete, Hen' Stewerys, Thoma Mandil, Philip Roche, Johan' Bett, clerion, et allis. (Seal, W.) S. p. et f quod ego Margareta Thome de Rape dedi, &e. Elmazó £* Dald Pill unan mess' in burgag de K., quod mess' jacet inter mess' Johan' fi' Thone Savage ex occid' et mess' Fynne O'Mybygane ex orient' in kong' a vico com' anterius ex aust' et terra hered' Alicie de Rupe ex borial". Haven' de capit', &c. Dat' apud K., tertia die Jan', anno Regis Henrici sexti vicesimo quarto. Test' Dom' Henrico Glassare, vicario de K., Willzo' et Edmundo fir' Maur' de Rupe, Dionisio O'Ronane, Dom Johan' Ragnald, et alis. (Seal, R.) 8. p. et f. quod ego Nichola fil' Michis' de Rape in mea legittima viduetate dedi, &c., Maur' O'Ronane unum mess, &c., in K., situat in vico voc' Stradyndoroke, jacens in lat' a terra Mathei Myagh ex boriali ad terram Ricardi Burgeis ex aust' in long a litore maris ex orient' ad com' viam ex occid'. Habend' in perpetuum. Reddend' annatim iv. denar argenti et capit, &c. Dat' apud K. undecimo Aprilis, anno Regis Henrici Sexti tricesimo tercio. 8. p. et f. quod ego Willmus' fil' Nichi' Downyll de K. dedi, &c., Ricardo fil' Willmi' Copiner unum mess', &c., in burgag' de K. jacens in lat' inter viam regiam anterius ex occid' et mare posterius ex orient' in long' a terra Stephani Catigane ex boreal' ad terram quondam Mich' Lawles ex aust'. Habend' in perpetuum. Reddend' annatim quatuor denar' argenti et capit', &c. Dat' apud K., x. Maii, anno Regis Henrici sexti tricesimoquarto. Test' Thoma Martell tunc proposito. Dom' Henrico vicario, Edmundo Roche, Thoma Whyte, Willmo' Walshe, clerico, et aliis. S. p. et f. quod nos Johan' Whyte de K. et Anastasia Lawles uxor mea dedimus Maur' O'Ronane unum mess' in K. situat' in vico Shadyndornoke, jacens in lat' a terra quondam Mathei Myagh ex boreal' ad terram quondam Ricardi Burgens ex aust' in long' a litore maris ex orient' ad com' viam ex occid'. Habend' in perpetuum. Reddend' annatim sex denar' argenti et capit', &c. Dat' apud K., quarto die Novembris, anno Regis Henrici sexti tricesimoquinto. (Seals, A boar and a merchant's mark.) Hæc indent' facta apud Cork, secundo die Sep', anno Regis Henrici sexti tricesimooctavo, inter Will' Walshe et Ricardum fil' Jacobi Gowlis, test' quod predictus W. concessit R. ortum suum extra portam aust' civ' predictæ, &c. Habend' ad terminum viginti novem annorum. Reddend' annatim duodecim denar' argenti, &c. (To be continued.) Antiquarian and Literary Entelligence. [Correspondents are requested to append their Addresses, not, unless agreeable, for publication, but in order that a copy of the GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE containing their Communications may be forwarded to them.] ARCHEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. Saturday, July 26. EXCURSION TO MALVERN. At 11.45 a large party left by train for Malvern, and at the station for that town vehicles were waiting to take the visitors to Great and Little Malvern, the Camp, &c. Assembled round the shaft of the ancient stone cross standing on the north side of Malvern Priory, the company listened to Mr. Freeman's exposition of its history and peculiarities. The building, he said, was incorrectly called "The Abbey Church," as it never had belonged to an abbey, but to a priory. This priory sprung up in the latter part of the twelfth century, and became a dependency on the Abbey of Westminster. At the Dissolution, the estates fell into the hands of private parties, and afterwards John Knottesford became the owner. The parishioners of Malvern originally had nothing to do with the priory church, which belonged to the monks alone, and the parish church then stood at no great distance from the priory. However, they bought the priory church for £200 (worth more than £2,000 now), a large sum for so small a place as Malvern must then have been; and the original parish church was subsequently destroyed. The priory church was therefore purely monastic, and almost wholly preserved, nothing being gone but the south transept and Lady-chapel. The parishioners of Tewkesbury had also bought their great church; but he should like to know if that meant that the Tewkesbury people had nothing to do with their church before the Dissolution, and bought the whole of it as now standing, or did they previously possess the nave for the purpose of parochial worship, while the monks had the choir and east end? At Malvern the parishioners bought the whole fabric. It seems externally to belong chiefly to the Perpendicular or fifteenth century style, but in the interior portions of an earlier building existed, and seemed to have influenced the architecture of the later work. The exterior Perpendicular concealed a large portion of a Norman minster, the nave and east limb being earlier than the remaining transept. The latter, however, shewed the height of the original Norman church. This building did not rank with those of Peterborough or even Tewkesbury, but had been a third-rate Norman church, while the Perpendicular builders almost carried it into the second rank of churches, by adding to its height and general importance. The tower was central, and produced a better effect than if it had been in the exact middle of the building, as at Worcester. The tower was much like that of Gloucester, and, being later in date, was probably an imitation, while the whatever. If William whipped Matilda, it does not follow that Earl Leofric whipped Lady Godiva. But neither do we think that the tale shews that a Norman King was any more likely to beat his Queen to death than an English King. The monstrous tales which have been current about illustrious persons in our own time shew that mere scandal is no sign even of general probability. But details again are valuable, even here. There was a ridiculous story once told that the Princess Charlotte threw a leg of mutton at somebody's head, we think at that of her princely father. Does this illustrate the manners of the nineteenth century? In a certain way it does. A wise historian of the twenty-seventh century will not infer that either princesses or daughters of inferior degree were in the habit of throwing legs of mutton at their fathers' heads. But he will infer, with perfect safety, that a leg of mutton was a common English dish in the nineteenth century. So these absurd fables about William and Matilda illustrate and prove one or two things. The bridle, as the instrument of correction, illustrates the almost centaur-like union between the knight and his horse; it is certainly not the weapon which a modern husband would be described as using. Then the hamstringing is characteristic; it is a form of cruelty of which other instances occur in this century and in the one before it. When later Queens are fabled—often long after their own age—to get rid of their rivals, they do it by the bowl or, at most, by the dagger. Further, when William of Malmesbury quietly mentions "cujusdam presbyteri filia” without a word of surprise or abhorrence, and that in a passage the main drift of which is the praise of King William's chastity, we may infer that the existence of a clergyman's daughter was not looked on as anything very wonderful or scandalous. In this way even these monstrous fictions do illustrate the manners of the time. Mr. Thrupp's general principle is thoroughly sound, but he has not skill elough to work it out. So, again, his constant references to the pseudo-Ingalf are balanced with several disclaimers of belief. Now, if the pseudo-Ingulf were a contemporary romance, it would be good evidence for manners, though not for facts; being a mere forgery of some centuries later, it is no evidence for either. To return to Queen Matilda, Mr. Thrupp tells us that William, "when his fury cooled, attempted to atone for his offence, by giving her a magnificent funeral, and building a cathedral over her tomb." "Magnificentissimis inferiis extulit." "Sepulta est regina Cadomis in monasterio Sanctæ Trinitatis." This, we suppose, is what Mr. Thrupp runs together into the above slovenly sentence. He ought to know better than to call the Trinity Church at Caen a "cathedral" or to think that William "built it over" Matilda's tomb. So the book goes on from the beginning to the end; on every subject which he deals with, Mr. Thrupp shows much reading, clear general views, but an utter confusion of details. Names and titles are constantly confounded; Godwine and Harold are cut down into Earls of Sussex (p. 192, where are to be seen some odd speculations as to the respective merits of Thanes and Earls); St. Boniface, whom so many authors have agreed to translate from Mainz to Metz, is by Mr. Thrupp further removed to Mons (p. 374), which never was a Bishop's, much less an Archbishop's, See at all. A little way on (p. 378), Olaf Tryggvesson becomes Olaf Frygesson; in p. 392, we have the common blunder of Constance for Coutances, because both in Latin are Constantia; finally our forefathers are (p. 263) charged with worshipping "Zernbock" and-Occhus Bocchus. This last at least is utterly beyond us. Even when Mr. Thrupp gives references, he does not always know what to do with them. Thus he quotes (p. 375) a story in Bede's account of Wilfrid to show that "the Anglo-Saxons" did not know how to catch fish till Wilfrid taught them. Now this story, whether we like to believe it or not, is told of the South-Saxons only, and it is rather hard measure to extend it to "the Anglo-Saxons" in general. As Wilfrid taught the South-Saxons Christianity as well as the art of fishing, it would have been a better hit if Mr. Thrupp had inferred that Augustine and Paulinus had already taught the gentle pastime to the men of Kent and Northumberland. Again, it appears from Domesday that the city of Norwich, Tempore Regis Edwardi, paid the King yearly, among other tribute, a bear and six bear-dogs. Mr. Thrupp argues quite justly that "bear-baiting, one of the most cruel of sports, was commonly practised." But why should he go on to say that "Edward the Confessor took particular delight in it, and required the city of Norwich to furnish him annually with a bear and six bear-dogs, and in all probability exacted a similar tribute from other cities?" (p. 383). Cannot Mr. Thrupp see that a cus |