most unhappy of Lord John's life; they were not free from heavy private sorrow. Yet it may be reasonably hoped that he was occasionally sustained by the reflection that, while he was incurring the obloquy of his old allies and the attacks of his opponents, he was himself silently working for the relief of his early friend's widow. And in this sense the motto which he placed on the title-page-Spirat adhuc amor-has a double significance; for while Lord John, no doubt, thought it applicable to the translator of Anacreon and the author of the 'Melodies,' in another sense it may be equally applied to the editor, who, for the love he bore his old friend, voluntarily undertook, when weary with political toil, the drudgery of selecting and publishing a mass of manuscript.

This circumstance, moreover, exempts, or rather ought to have exempted, the book from ordinary criticism. It is easy, no doubt, to show that Lord John in his preface affords many proofs that he regarded his friend's poetry with the favour with which it was originally received, rather than with the discriminating criticism which has been since applied to it; and it is equally easy to complain that the publication of Mr. Moore's journal has not tended to raise the poet's reputation. But it is a fair reply to the first charge that, if Lord John to some extent exaggerated the charm of Mr. Moore's verses, later critics have hardly done adequate justice to the generous sentiments which everywhere pervade them; and, in the next place, if Mr. Moore in his journals attached too much importance to the social recreations which so frequently diverted him from graver pursuits, and laid too little stress on the happy hours which he passed at his own fireside, the fault is Mr. Moore's and not Lord John's.1

The labour of editing a vast mass of manuscript is not light. But it was perhaps characteristic of Lord John that, while he was undertaking the heavy task of supervising the publication of Mr. Moore's remains, he was simultaneously preparing Mr. Fox's correspondence for publication. These

The publication of Mr. Moore's diaries led to somewhat angry remonstrances on the part of Lord Londonderry and Mr. Croker, who were aggrieved by certain passages in the journals. But I have not thought it necessary to refer to the controversies to which these memoirs gave rise.

letters, which formed the basis of the life which was subsequently published, and which must not be confounded with that work, had come into Lord John's possession after Lady Holland's death in 1845. Lord John seems to have commenced the task of selecting those which were to be made public in the winter of 1851-2. He was actively engaged on the work in the summer of that year; and its four volumes were published at various intervals from 1853 to 1857.

More real interest attaches to Lord John's literary work in the summer of 1852 than to his Parliamentary labours in the first six months of that year. The Parliamentary session of 1852 was memorable for the weakness of the Government and the disorganisation of the Opposition; it was marked by only one great legislative achievement-the passage of the Militia Bill—and Lord John made what most people thought the mistake of opposing this measure. His opposition at any rate revealed the internal differences of the Whigs, since he failed to carry with him his closest political friends; and the defeat which he sustained increased the bitterness with which some of his supporters were beginning to regard him, and loosened still further the ties which bound his followers to him. Under these circumstances the dissolution of Parliament was almost as welcome to Lord John as to the Ministers themselves; while his election enabled him to show that, if he had partially lost the allegiance of some of his Parliamentary friends, he retained the confidence of the electors of the City.2

In other respects the election brought small comfort to the Whig party. The Conservatives showed that they had an unexpected hold on the English constituencies. Whigs of

Of the seven members of the Russell Cabinet in the House of Commons, two only (Lord John himself and Mr. Labouchere) voted against the second reading; two (Sir F. Baring and Lord Seymour) voted for it; three (Sir G. Grey, Sir C. Wood, and Mr. Fox Maule) stayed away.

2 The final state of the poll was: Masterman, 6,195; Russell, 5,537; Duke, 5,270; Rothschild, 4,848; Crawford, 3,465. Lord John's address to the electors on this occasion was one of very great length. It contained an elaborate vindication of the Free Trade measures of the previous ten years, a promise of Parliamentary Reform, and of the removal of those useless and degrading disabilities' under which an oath, instead of being a lond of union,' became a badge of distrust or a source of religious discord.'

mark, like Sir George Grey and Mr. Cornewall Lewis, were unsuccessful. So far as Great Britain was concerned its representatives were almost evenly divided between the Conservatives and the Opposition. In the Parliament of 1847 the balance between the Whigs and the Conservatives had been held by the Peelites. In the Parliament of 1852 the balance between Protectionists and Free Traders was held by the Irish brigade.

This circumstance constituted only one of the difficulties which Lord John had to face. He could not but be conscious that, while the Conservatives arrayed against him formed a compact, disciplined, and spirited body, the troops on his own. side were loosely organised, mutinous, and sullen. They were discontented with their position and dissatisfied with their chief. It is true that the various criticisms which were applied to his conduct answered one another. Some men complained that he had parted from Lord Palmerston; others that he had endured him too long: some that he had introduced a Reform Bill; others that his measure had not been larger. The High Church party still remembered the Ecclesiastical Titles Act with indignation; the Low Church party was sulky because it had not been enforced. Lord John could almost use the words which Mr. Punch put into his mouth :Grumbling, grumbling everywhere, And all my friends did shrink— Grumbling, grumbling everywhere, A fact that none could blink. Ah well-a-day! in what bad books Was I with old and young :

And, by every one, Lord Palmerston

Into my teeth was flung.1

Throughout the session these complaints were passed from

From the Rime of the Ancient Ministere. It is perhaps a sign how tired and disheartened Lord John was when he left office that, instead of laughing at Mr. Punch's parody of the Ancient Mariner, he felt it more than the attacks of graver papers. When he read it he said, 'That is hard on a man who has worked as I have for Reform;' and then he added in Milton's words, Yet bate I not

'one jot

Of heart or hope, but still bear up and steer
Right onward.'

mouth to mouth. Lord Palmerston was openly proclaiming that, though he should not object to act with Lord John, he would never consent to serve under him again; and lesser men face to face with this difficulty, conveniently oblivious of their leader's great services, and only recollecting his failures, thought that the sole solution of the dilemma was a fresh combination, in which Lord John might continue to lead the House of Commons with Lord Lansdowne or Lord Clarendon as Prime Minister. During the session these complaints hardly reached Lord John's ears. In the recess, which he spent at The Gart, a place near Callander which he hired from Admiral Houston Stewart, they were brought home to him. Lord Minto told him that there was an intrigue to oust him from the leadership; and Lord John, pained at the statement, mentioned the matter in a letter to Lord Clarendon. The answer which he received described the situation so accurately that it is worth quoting :—

G[rosvenor] C[rescent]: August 31, 1852.

My dear Lord John,-. . . I believe I am pretty I believe I am pretty well acquainted with all that has been saying and doing lately, and I think no one of your friends can be more vigilant than myself upon whatever concerns your honour and interests. But I affirm that nothing has taken place to which the denomination of intrigue can be correctly applied; and, if Lord Minto believes there is an intrigue against you, he must have some facts of which I am unaware, but of which I should be glad to be informed. As I have said before, it is quite impossible for any man to be First Minister of this country during six not ordinary but critical years without making to himself enemies; it is equally impossible, too, that during that period some errors should not have been committed and remembered. In the Liberal party there are wide differences of opinion; Graham, Palmerston, Cobden have their partisans. Some people think you disposed to go too far ; others think you stop short of the mark: the Roman Catholics as a body are still bitter about the Durham letter; many Protestants think that letter was not boldly acted upon the ambition of many is disappointed; some complain about the distribution of patronage; others consider they have met with discourtesy, &c., &c. ; and each one of these knots of complainants becomes a centre of fresh discontent, which swells for want of anything of countervailing character. Now all this, be it just or unjust, is sufficient to account for the exist

ing state of feeling without explaining it by intrigue; and the whole may be summed up in these words: 'Lord John has been Minister for six years; he has done or left undone many things we dislike; the recollection of these is fresh in our minds; and we don't feel we can at present serve cordially under him as a leader.' Now that's all, and that's not an intrigue. . . . I should have preferred speaking to writing upon these points; but I have not hesitated to write, because the idea of an intrigue is disgusting and painful, and I wished, if possible, to remove it from your mind, for, as far as my knowledge goes, I am certain that none has existed. -Yours sincerely,

CLARENDON.

Under the circumstances which have thus been detailed, the course suggested by expediency to Lord John was plain. Time was necessary to heal wounds, to obliterate memories, and reconcile differences. It was, in other words, Lord John's interest to wait and do nothing. To do nothing, however, is one of the most difficult things for mortal man to do well; and it was more difficult for Lord John because his more earnest friends were clamouring for action. The Free Traders, in fact, could not be held; and even so late as November, when the new Parliament was assembling, Mr. Cobden told Lord John that, if no one at the very outset of the session brought forward a substantive motion pledging the House to maintain Free Trade, he would-even if he stood alone-do so himself.

Under these circumstances Lord John was almost forced forwards; and the conciliatory attitude of some of Sir Robert Peel's friends facilitated his movement. Speaking in the House of Commons on June 25, Sir James Graham bore warm testimony to the steady perseverance which Lord John Russell had displayed-whether in office or in oppositionin endeavouring to check corrupt practices at elections. This language afforded a welcome contrast to the abuse which was being showered on Lord John by his own supporters, and he seems to have privately thanked Sir James for it. Sir James replied―

Private]

Grosvenor Place: June 27, 1852.

My dear Lord John,—I am glad when it is in my power to say or to do anything which is agreeable to you. You have no reason