Bath.

Sir Clifton Wintringham, bart. to be phyfician general to his majesty's forces.

16. Sir Richard Jebb, bart. to be physician in ordinary to his majesty.

20. Lieut. gen. William Fawcett, and Robert vifcount Galway, to be knights of the Bath.

22. Richard Arkwright, efq. of Wirksworth, in Derbyshire, to the honour of knighthood.

Thomas Boothby Parkyns, efq. to be groom of the bed chamber to the duke of Cumberland.

23. Peter Francklyn, efq. to be collector of the port of Kingston in Jamaica.

Hants-Thomas Clarke Jervoise,

of Belmont. Herefordshire-Sir Edward Boughton, of Vowchurch, bart. Hertfordshire-Jeremiah Mills, of Pifhiobury.

Kent-Thomas Hallet Hodges, of

Hemsted.

Leicestershire-William Herrick, of
Beaumanoir.
Lincolnshire-Daniel Douglas, of
Fokingham.

Monmouthshire Robert Saluf
bury, of Lanwern.
Norfolk-Francis Long, of Spix-
worth.

Northamptonshire-Ifaac Pocock, of Biggin. Northumberland-James Allgood, of Nunwick. Nottinghamshire-Anthony Hartfhorne, of Hayton.

Year 1786.

more.

Rutlandfhire-Thomas Baines, of Uppingham.

Shropshire-Sir Rober Leighton, of Loton, bart.

Somerfetfhire-James Stephen, of Camerton.

Staffordshire-Thomas Parker, cf Park-hall.

Suffolk-James Sewell, of Strut

ton.

Surry-Theodore Henry Broadhead, of Carfhalton. Suffex-Francis Sergifon, of Cuckfield.

Warwickshire - John Taylor, of Borderfley.

Wiltshire-Seymour Wroughton, of
Eastcott.

Worcestershire - George Perrott,
of Perfhere.
Yorkshire-Richard Langley, of
Wikeham Abbey.

SOUTH

WEL

ELL aware, that Almighty God hath created the mind free; that all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrify and manners, and are a de. parture from that plan of the Holy Author of our religion, who being lord of body and mind, yet chofe not to propaga e it by coercions on either that the impious prefump tion of legiflators and rulers, civil as well as ecclefiaftical (who, being themfelve but fallible and uninfpired men, have affumed dominion over the faith of others, fetting up their own opinion and modes of thinking as alone true and infallible, and as fuch endeavouring to impole them on others), hath eftablished and maintained falfe religions over the greatest part of the world, and through all time; that, to compel a man to furnith contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he difbelieves, is finful and tyrannical; that even the forcing a man to fupport this or that teacher of his own religious perfuafion, is depriving him of the comfortable liberty of giving his contributions to the particular paftor, whofe morals he would make his pattern, and whofe powers he feels mott perfuafive to righteoufnefs; and is withdrawing from the miniftry thofe temporal rewards, which, proceeding from an

approbation of their perfonal conduct, are an additional incitement to earnest and unremitted labours for the intruction of mankind; that our civil rights have no dependence on our religious opinions, more than on our opinions in phyfic or geometry; that, therefore, the profcribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence, by laying upon him an incapacity of being called to offices of trust and emolument, unleis he profefs or renounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving him injurioutly of thofe privileges and advantages to which in common with his fellow-citizens he has a natural right; tends alfo to corrupt the principles of that very religion it is meant to encourage, by bribing with a mo nopoly of worldly honours and emoluments those who will externally conform to it; that though indeed thofe are criminal who do not withstand fuch temptations, yet neither are thofe innocent who lay them in their way; that to fuffer the civil magiftrate to intrude his powers into the field of opinion, and to retrain that profeffion or propagation of principles on fuppolition of their ill tendency, is a dangerous fallacy, which at once deftroys all religious liberty, becaufe he, being of courfe judge of that tendency, will make his opinions the rule of judgment, and approve or condemn the fentiments

of

of others, only as they fhall agree with, or differ from his own.

That it is time enough, for the righful purposes of civil government, for its officers to interpofe when principles break out in overt acts against peace and good order and finally, that truth is great, and will prevail if left to herfelf; is the proper and fufficient antagonist to error; and can have nothing to fear from the conflict, unlefs by Human interpofition, difarmed of her natural weapons (free argument and debate); error ceafing to be dangerous, when it is permitted freely to contradict them.

Be it therefore enacted, by the General Affembly, that no man fhall be compelled to fupport any religious worship, place, or miniftry whatsoever; nor fhall be forced, reftrained, molested or burthened in his body or goods, nor fhall otherwife fuffer on account of his religious opinions or belief. But that all men be free to profefs, and by argument to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion and that the fame fhall in no wife diminifh, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.

:

And though we well know that this affembly, elected by the people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to reftrain the acts of fucceeding af femblies, conftituted with powers equal to our own; and that, there fore, to declare this act irrevocable would be of no effect in law; yet we are free to declare, and do declare, that the rights hereby afferted are natural rights of mankind; and that if any act fhall be hereafter paffed to repeal the prefent, or to narrow its operation, fuch an act will be an infringement of natural rights.

His Majefty's Speech to both Houses of Parliament, on Tuesday, Jan. 24, 1786.

My Lords and Gentlemen, SINCE I last met you in parlia ment, the difputes which appeared to threaten an interruption to the tranquillity of Europe have been brought to an amicable conclufion; and I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest affurances of their friendly difpofition towards this country.

At home, my fubjects experience the growing bleffings of peace in the extenfion of trade, the improvement of the revenue, and the increafe of the public credit of thể nation.

For the farther advancement of thofe important objects, I rely on the continuance of that zeal and industry, which you manifefted in the laft feffion of Parliament.

The refolutions which you laid before me, as the bafis of an adjuftment of the commercial intercourfe between Great Britain and Ireland, have been by my directions communicated to the parliament of that kingdom; but no effectual fep has hitherto been taken thereupon, which can enable you to make any farther progrefs in that falutary work.

Gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons,

I have ordered the estimates for the prefent year to be laid before you it is my earnest wish to enforce economy in every department; and you will, I am perfuaded, be equally ready to make fuch provifion as may be neceffary for the public fervice, and particularly for maintaining our naval ftrength on the most fecure and refpectable footing.-Above all, let me recommend to you the establish

ment

ment of a fixed plan for the reduction of the national debt. The flourishing state of the revenue will, I trust, enable you to effect this important meafure with little addition to the public burdens.

My Lords and Gentlemen, The vigour and refources of the country, fo fully manifefted in its prefent fituation, will encourage you in continuing to give your utmoft attention to every object of national concern; particularly to the confideration of fuch meafures as may be neceflary in order to give farther fecurity to the revenue, and to promote and extend as far as poffible the trade and general industry of my fubjects.

The Speech of the Right Honourable Charles Wolfan Cornwall, Specker of the House of Commons, on Friday, May 26, 76, upon prefenting to his Majefty the Bill for vefting certain Sums iCommiffioners, at the end of ever Quarter of a Year, to be by them applied to the Redution of the National Debt, which then received the Royal Af fent.

Moft gracious Sovereign, YOUR fithful commons have paffed a bili, intituled, “An act for vefting certain fums in commiffioners, at the end of every quarter of a year, to be by them applied to the reduction of the national debt;" by which they have manifefted their attention to your majefty's recommendation, at the opening of this feffion, for establifhing a fixed plan for the reduction of the national debt.

By the unanimity which attended the last and most important stage of this bill, they have given the moft decifive proof, that they have 1785.

but one heart and one voice, in the maintenance of the public credit, and profperity of their country.

The public credit of the nation, which is the refult of juft and honourable dealing, is now guarded by an additional fecurity-and the future profperity of this country will effestually be provided for, when it is confidered, that for the purpose of pleading the caufe of the conti nuance of this measure moft powerfully with pofterity, your faithful commons have, to the justice and good policy of it, added the authority of their own example:

Qui facit, ille jubet.

They have not been difcouraged by the burthens impofed during the last ten years from fubmitting in the prefent time, and in the hour of peace, to new, and the poffibilibeing to attain a fituation for their ty of other burthens; their object fence and glory in the event of fu country more favourable to her deture emergencies.

A plan to honourable in its prin ciple, and fo conducive to the fu kingdom, muit be, in the highest ture happiness and fafety of the degree, acceptable to the father of his people.

Under that confidence, in the name of all the commons of Great Britain, I render this bill to your majefty; to which, with all humility, your faithful commons defire your majefty's royal affent.