the number both of the graver crimes and of habitual criminals in Great Britain.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,—

"The principal Estimates for the coming year have been prepared. They will at once be laid before you, and I trust that you will find them suitable to the circumstances of the country.

"The state of the Revenue affords favourable indications of the demand for employment and the general condition of the peopleindications which are corroborated by a decline of pauperism not inconsiderable.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"Your attention will be invited to several measures of acknowledged national interest. Among these there will be Bills for the improvement of Public Education in Scotland, for the Regulation of Mines, for the amendment of what is known as the Licensing System, and in relation to the Superior Courts of Justice and Appeal. "In particular, a Bill, having for its main object the establishment of secret voting, together with a measure relating to corrupt practices at Parliamentary elections, will be immediately presented to

you.

"Several measures of administrative improvement for Ireland will also be laid before you.

"There will likewise be laid before you legislative provisions founded on the Report of the Sanitary Commission.

"You, my Lords and Gentlemen, will, I am confident, again apply your well-known assiduity to that work of legislation which, from the increasing exigencies of modern society, still seems to grow upon your hands. And I shall continue to rely, under Divine Providence, alike on the loyalty of my people and on your energy and wisdom, to sustain the constant efforts of the Crown to discharge the duties, to uphold the rights, and to defend the honour of the Empire."

The Address to the Crown, in answer to the Royal Speech, was moved in the Commons by

Mr. Strutt, who touched seriatim on the various topics mentioned in it, congratulating the country warmly on the recovery of the Prince of Wales, and expressing his cordial agreement in the general legislation proposed by the Government. On the paragraph relating to the French Treaty, he remarked that recent discussions in the Chambers showed the doctrines of Free Trade to be making progress in France, and with regard to the Treaty of Washington he maintained that it was never understood by the English people to include the claims for indirect losses. He hoped, however, that the difficulty would only be temporary, and that a friendly settlement would not be impeded by what had occurred.

Mr. Colman seconded the Address in a brief and able speech, the greater part of which was devoted to proving the soundness of the prosperity of the country. He regretted the misconception in regard to the Geneva Arbitration, expressed a decided opinion that the licensing system must be dealt with, and, as a Nonconformist,

avowed his discontent with some parts of the recent legislation on the subject of Education.

Mr. Disraeli commenced by remarking that since the last Session time had passed more rapidly than usual, and without drawing the usual and convenient veil of oblivion over Parliamentary controversies. This he attributed to the new habit of the Ministry of vindicating its policy during the recess. They "lived in a perpetual blaze of apology," and left nobody time to forget anything. Judging, however, from the notices of motion just given, Mr. Disraeli anticipated that the Ministers would have ample and speedy opportunities of defending themselves, in the face of Parliament, on such matters as Admiralty management and the evasion of Acts of Parliament. Passing to the Speech, he commented in a sarcastic vein on the confused arrangement of its paragraphs, drawing the inference that the ballot was to be confined to Ireland, and that there had originally been a reference to the "third branch of the Upas tree," which had slipped out at the last moment. He regretted that such measures as the Mines Regulation Bill, Sanitary Legislation, &c., should be once more postponed to the ballot, and repeated his determination to offer to the principle of secret voting his unshrinking opposition, though he did not expect to convert a majority of the House to his opinion. Excusing himself from discussing the Speech at length on account of the engrossing nature of one paragraph in it-that relating to the Washington Treaty―he condemned this paragraph as frigid and jejune, utterly inadequate to the occasion. Claiming for himself and his political friends that they had always endeavoured to cultivate friendly relations with the United States, he reviewed minutely the history and provisions of the Stanley-Johnson Convention, pointing out, in reply to a taunt which had been uttered by Lord Granville, that it was rejected by the American Senate because it excluded indirect and constructive claims. Insisting that Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville had full control and supervision of the negotiations at Washington, and were therefore solely responsible, he canvassed next the terms of the Treaty, pointing out various points to which he objected, particularly the retrospective portion. But he and his friends had not thought it wise to challenge it in Parliament, partly because it was held by high authority that it was legally complete when it was signed. Referring next to the debate in the House of Lords, he called on the Government to explain on what grounds they had stated so confidently that the Treaty excluded claims which he described as "preposterous and wild," and equalling a "tribute from a conquered people," and also whether the United States Government had protested against the ministerial interpretation of the Treaty. Next he asked when the American case was received by our Government and when they had made the "friendly communication" to the American Government. Finally, he urged the duty of speaking out calmly, frankly, and firmly, of avoiding "the Serbonian bog of diplomacy," and of telling the American Government

plainly that it was impossible for us to accept their interpretation. Any delay, which would lead either people to suspect the other of good faith and produce alienation, was strongly to be deprecated. Mr. Disraeli concluded by a graceful reference to the recovery of the Prince of Wales.

Mr. Gladstone, adverting first to the notices of motion which had been given with regard to the constitution of the Admiralty and Sir Robert Collier's appointment, proclaimed his readiness for the most searching inquiry into the first subject and his anxiety for the judgment of Parliament on the second. He protested that any other construction but that placed on the Treaty by the Government was not only not required, but would have been mischievous to the public service. Speaking in reference to the Prince of Wales' illness, he characterized it as an important public event which had removed all doubts as to the attachment of the people to the great institutions of the country, and expressed a belief that the universal sympathy which had been manifested for the Prince in his peril would leave an enduring mark on his heart. Admitting that Mr. Disraeli's criticism on the arrangement of the Speech was partly justified by the accidental transposition of two paragraphs, he demurred to his description of the paragraph relating to the Geneva Arbitration. It was quite adequate, he maintained, viewed with regard as well to the circumstances, the time, and the persons by whom it was uttered, as also to the duty of speaking in the very mildest terms, which would show that the Government did not under-estimate the importance of the matter, without making it more difficult for the United States Government to meet us. He admitted that Mr. Disraeli had always treated American affairs with the judgment and discretion of an enlightened patriot; and while not subscribing to the exact accuracy of his historical retrospect of the negotiations, he accepted it as proving that the British Government had at no time acceded, either in intention or otherwise, to an instrument admitting constructive claims. The description of these extraordinary claims was rather under the mark than an exaggeration. On the part of the Government he accepted fully whatever blame fell on those who concluded the Treaty-the Commissioners were entirely free from blame. But he denied that there was blame anywhere. The concessions we had made to the American Government, such as accepting retrospective action, abstaining from claiming compensation for the Fenian raids, &c., were large, and even extraordinary, and no doubt open to question; but he contended that they were justifiable, although there must be a limit to such a course. Answering Mr. Disraeli's questions, he said that no protest had been received from the American Government against the interpretation publicly put on the Treaty in the House of Lords in June last year, and explained that the American case had not been in possession of all the members of the Cabinet for more than a week or so; consequently it was only on Saturday last that a communication was addressed to the American Government. Her Ma

jesty's Government did not intend to rest on the supposed ambiguity of the instrument. They would not admit that it could be read in two contradictory senses. On the contrary, they would contend that, tried by grammar, logic, common sense, policy, or any other conceivable criterion, its only just and unequivocal meaning was that which they put on it. Adverting again to the magnitude of the claims, Mr. Gladstone was loudly cheered in declaring that we must be insane to accede to demands which no nation with a spark of honour or spirit left could submit to even at the point of death. But he looked forward with sanguine hope to the course which would be taken by the American Government, and he trusted in the goodwill and friendship which had been shown by the American people for this country, and which had been reciprocated by us.

In the House of Lords, the Address in answer to her Majesty's Speech was moved by Lord De-la-Warr, who re-echoed the foreign and domestic congratulations of the Speech. Briefly glancing at the promised measures of the Session, he pointed out the necessity of union and co-operation among the Liberal party, in order that the Session might be fruitful in useful legislation.

Lord Powerscourt, in seconding the Address, dwelt upon the signs of material prosperity now visible in Ireland, while expressing a doubt whether the full effect of recent Liberal measures could be reaped during the lifetime of the present generation.

The Duke of Richmond, after a graceful allusion to the illness and happy recovery of the Heir-apparent, criticized the tone and language of the Speech from the Throne, and complained of the absence of any allusion to the Army and Navy. He regretted that greater care had not been used to prevent the misunderstanding which had arisen in regard to the Alabama Claims, and trusted that the language used by her Majesty's Government to that of the United States would be characterized by great friendliness, but also by great decision. He contrasted the declaration made by Mr. Justice Fitzgerald last November in Dublin, that life and property were not secure, with the peace and prosperity which were now alleged to prevail in Ireland. Assuming that due regard would be paid to the religious education of the people of Scotland, and that the pecuniary interests affected by the Licensing Bill would be considered, he said that Lord Hartington had completely justified their lordships in rejecting the Ballot Bill by stating that a simpler and more effective measure would be brought forward this Session. He next passed some severe strictures upon the present Admiralty administration, as illustrated by the loss of the "Megara," and remarked upon the absence of the great scheme of Army Re-organization promised last Session. He trusted that the country would this year be spared legislation of a sensational character, and that the Government would frame their measures with a single eye to the welfare, safety, and comfort of the people.

Lord Granville, who had been long suffering under a severe attack of gout, but who pleasantly declined the Duke of Richmond's

suggestion that he should address their lordships from his seat, replied to some of the objections raised to the Speech. Her Majesty had stated to her Ministers that it was her wish to perform every duty incident to her high station, so far as her health and strength permitted, and it would be his duty to move for a Committee to make arrangements for their lordships' attendance at the National Thanksgiving service at St. Paul's. Passing to the French Commercial Treaty, he said that the Government, while anxious to meet every requirement of France, were not disposed to take any retrograde step with regard to Free Trade. The harmony of the political relations of the two countries, however, remained undisturbed. Upon the subject of the Alabama Claims, it was advisable for the Government to proceed calmly and deliberately, and he explained the reasons which had induced them to make a communication to the United States Government of the character indicated in her Majesty's Speech. Last Session he explained the interpretation put upon the Washington Treaty by her Majesty's Government, and Sir Stafford Northcote defended the Treaty upon the same ground, that the claims now set up were believed by the Commissioners to be shut out by the terms of the Treaty. When the proper time came for discussing the Alabama Claims he should show, not only the intentions of her Majesty's Government, but what they had reason to suppose were also the intentions of the United States Government. While the Government would not consent to sacrifice the rights of this country, nothing should be wanting on their part to arrive at a satisfactory settlement of the matters in dispute.

Lord Derby approved measures of sanitary reform and the regulation of mines as a welcome substitute for constitutional changes, and recommended that, as they were non-political measures, one should be introduced in that House. Remarking on the state of Ireland and the omission of any allusion to Irish Education in the Speech, he said that all other questions sank into insignificance by the side of the great international complication arising out of the case of the "Alabama." The origin of the mischief was in sending out a special commission to Washington, for we were previously in an impregnable position, and our Government had only to ask the Government of the United States what they had to suggest. At the same time the Government knew what they believed their offer to be, and if the Americans meant one thing and we another there was no contract, and the whole negotiation fell to the ground. If our Government contended that these claims never were included in the Treaty, they would have what no Government in this country had possessed in American negotiations for the last eleven yearsthe undivided support of the whole people.