ble. What other sovereigns might choose to do, he said, was nothing to him. He therefore sent a mission to Rome, escorted by a great force of cavalry and infantry. The ambassador marched to his palace as a general marches in triumph through a conquered town. The house was strongly guarded. Round the limits of the protected district sentinels paced the rounds day and night, as on the walls of a fortress. The pope was unmoved. 66 "They trust," he cried, "in chariots and in horses; but we will remember the name of the Lord our God." He betook him vigorously to his spiritual weapons, and laid the region garrisoned by the French under an interdict.* This dispute was at the height when another dispute arose, in which the Germanic body was as deeply concerned as the pope. Cologne and the surrounding district were governed by an archbishop, who was an elector of the empire. The right of choosing this great prelate belonged, under certain limitations, to the chapter of the cathedral. The archbishop was also Bishop of Liege, of Munster, and of Hildesheim. His dominions were extensive, and included several strong fortresses which in the event of a campaign on the Rhine would be of the highest importance. In time of war he could bring twenty thousand men into the field. Lewis had spared no effort to gain so valuable an ally, and had succeeded so well that Cologne had been almost separated from Germany, and had become an outwork of France. Many ecclesiastics devoted to the court of Versailles had been brought into the chapter; and Cardinal Furstemburg, a mere creature of that court, had been appointed coadjutor. In the summer of the year 1688, the archbishopric became vacant. Furstemburg was the candidate of the House of Bourbon. The enemies of that house proposed the young Prince Clement of Bavaria. Furstemburg was already a bishop, and therefore could not be moved to another diocese except by a special dispensation from the pope, or by a postulation, in which it was necessary that two thirds of the chapter of Cologne should join. The pope would grant no dispensation to a creature of France. The emperor induced more than a third part of the chapter to vote for the Bavarian prince. Meanwhile, in the chapters of Liege, Munster, and Hildesheim, * Professor Von Ranke, Die Römischen Päpste, book viii.; Burnet, i. 759. the majority was adverse to France. Lewis saw, with indig nation and alarm, that an extensive province, which he had begun to regard as a fief of his crown, was about to become, not merely independent of him, but hostile to him. In a paper written with great acrimony he complained of the injustice with which France was on all occasions treated by that see which ought to extend a parental protection to every part of Christendom. Many signs indicated his fixed resolution to support the pretensions of his candidate by arms against the pope and the pope's confederates.* Thus Lewis, by two opposite errors, raised against himself at once the resentment of both the religious parties between which western Europe was divided. Having alienated one great section of Christendom by persecuting the Huguenots, he alienated another by insulting the Holy See. These faults he committed at a conjuncture at which no fault could be committed with impunity, and under the eye of an opponent second in vigilance, sagacity, and energy, to no statesman whose memory history has preserved. William saw, with stern delight, his adversaries toiling to clear away obstacle after obstacle from his path. While they raised against themselves the enmity of all sects, he labored to conciliate all. The great design which he meditated he with exquisite skill presented to different governments in different lights; and it must be added that, though those lights were different, none of them was false. He called on the princes of northern Germany to rally round him in defence of the common cause of all reformed churches. He set before the two heads of the House of Austria the danger with which they were threatened by French ambition, and the necessity of rescuing England from vassalage and of uniting her to the European confederacy.† He disclaimed, and with truth, all bigotry. The real enemy, he Aug. 27 1688. It will be * Burnet, i. 758; Lewis's paper bears date found in the Recueil des Traités, vol. iv. No. 219. † For the consummate dexterity with which he exhibited two different views of his policy to two different parties he was afterwards bitterly reviled by the court of St. Germain's. Licet Fœderatis publicus ille prædo haud aliud aperte proponat nisi ut Gallici imperii exuberans amputetur potestas, veruntamen sibi, et suis ex hæretica fæce complicibus, ut pro comperto habemus, longe aliud promittit, nempe ut exciso vel enervato Francorum regno, ubi Catholicarum partium summum jam robur situm est, hæretica ipsorum pravitas per orbem Christianum universum prævaleat."- Letter of James to the pope, evidently written in 1689. said, of the British Roman Catholics, was that shortsighted and headstrong monarch who, when he might easily have obtained for them a legal toleration, had trampled on law, liberty, property, in order to raise them to an odious and precarious ascendency. If the misgovernment of James were suffered to continue, it must produce, at no remote time, a popular outbreak, which might be followed by a barbarous persecution of the Papists. The prince declared that to avert the horrors of such a persecution was one of his chief objects. If he suc ceeded in his design, he would use the power which he must then possess, as head of the Protestant interest, to protect the members of the Church of Rome. Perhaps the passions excited by the tyranny of James might make it impossible to efface the penal laws from the statute-book; but those laws should be mitigated by a lenient administration. No class would really gain more by the proposed expedition than those peaceable and unambitious Roman Catholics who merely wished to follow their callings and to worship their Maker without molestation. The only losers would be the Tyrconnels, the Dovers, the Albevilles, and the other political adventurers who, in return for flattery and evil counsel, had obtained from their credulous master governments, regiments, and embassies. While William exerted himself to enlist on his side the sympathies both of Protestants and of Roman Catholics, he exerted himself with not less vigor and prudence to provide the military means which his undertaking required. He could not make a descent on England without the sanction of the United Provinces. If he asked for that sanction before his design was ripe for execution, his intentions might possibly be thwarted by the faction hostile to his house, and would certainly be divulged to all the world. He therefore determined to make his preparations with all speed, and, when they were complete, to seize some favorable moment for requesting the consent of the federation. It was observed by the agents of France that he was more busy than they had ever known hin. Not a day passed on which he was not seen spurring from his villa to the Hague. He was perpetually closeted with his most distinguished adherents. Twenty-four ships of war were fitted out for sea in addition to the ordinary force which the commonwealth maintained. A camp was formed near Nimeguen. Many thousands of troops were assembled there. In order to form this army the garrisons were withdrawn from the strongholds in Dutch Brabant. Even the renowned fortress of Bergopzoom was left almost defenceless. Field-pieces, bombs, and tumbrels from all the magazines of the United Provinces were collected at the head-quarters. All the bakers of Rotterdam toiled day and night to make biscuit. All the gunmakers of Utrecht were found too few to execute the orders for pistols and muskets. All the saddlers of Amsterdam were hard at work on harness and holsters. Six thousand sailors were added to the naval establishment. Seven thousand new soldiers were raised. They could not, indeed, be formally enlisted without the sanction of the federation; but they were well drilled, and kept in such a state of discipline that they might without difficulty be distributed into regiments within twenty-four hours after that sanction should be obtained. These preparations required ready money; but William had, by strict economy, laid up against a great emergency a treasure amounting to about two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. What more was wanting was supplied by the zeal of his partisans. Great quantities of gold, not less, it was said, than a hundred thousand guineas, arrived from England. The Huguenots, who had carried with them into exile large quantities of the precious metals, were eager to lend him all that they possessed; for they fondly hoped that, if he succeeded, they should be restored to the country of their birth; and they feared that, if he failed, they should scarcely be safe even in the country of their adoption.* Through the latter part of July and the whole of August, the preparations went on rapidly, yet too slowly for the vehement spirit of William. Meanwhile, the intercourse between England and Holland was active. The ordinary modes of conveying intelligence and passengers were no longer thought safe. A light bark of marvellous speed constantly ran backward and forward between Schevening and the eastern coast of our island. † By this vessel William received a succession of letters from persons of high note in the church, the state, and the army. Two of the seven prelates who had signed the memorable petition, Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, and Trelawney, Bishop of Bristol, had, during their residence in the Tower, reconsidered the doctrine of non-resistance, and were ready to welcome an armed deliverer. A brother of the * Avaux Neg., Aug. 18, HH, 18, 17, Aug. 23 1688. Bishop of Bristol, Colonel Charles Trelawney, who commanded one of the Tangier regiments, now known as the Fourth of the Line, signified his readiness to draw his sword for the Protestant religion. Similar assurances arrived from the savage Kirke. Churchill, in a letter written with a certain elevation of language, which was the sure mark that he was going to commit a baseness, declared that he was determined to perform his duty to Heaven and to his country, and that he put his honor absolutely into the hands of the Prince of Orange William doubtless read those words with one of those bitter and cynical smiles which gave his face its least pleasing expression. It was not his business to take care of the honor of other men; nor had the most rigid casuist pronounced it unlawful in a general to invite, to use, and to reward the services of deserters whom he could not but despise.* Churchill's letter was brought by Sidney, whose situation in England had become hazardous, and who, having taken many precautions to hide his track, had passed over to Holland about the middle of August. About the same time Shrewsbury and Edward Russell crossed the German Ocean in a boat which they had hired with great secrecy, and appeared at the Hague. Shrewsbury brought with him twelve thousand pounds, which he had raised by a mortgage on his estates, and which he lodged in the bank of Amsterdam.‡ Devonshire, Danby, and Lumley, remained in England, where they undertook to rise in arms as soon as the prince should set foot on the island. There is reason to believe that, at this conjuncture, William first received assurances of support from a very different quarter. The history of Sunderland's intrigues is covered with an obscurity which it is not probable that any inquirer will ever succeed in penetrating; but, though it is impossible to discover the whole truth, it is easy to detect some palpable fictions. The Jacobites, for obvious reasons, affirmed that the revolution of 1688 was the result of a plot concerted long before. Sunderland they represented as the chief conspirator. He had, they averred, in pursuance of his great design, incited his too confiding master to dispense with statutes, to create an illegal tri bunal, to confiscate freehold property, and to send the fathers of the Established Church to a prison. This romance rests * Burnet, i. 765. Churchill's letter bears date Aug. 4, 1688. Memoirs of the Duke of Shrewsbury, 1718. |