fore he declined the task. This was all he had to say, and in conclusion he hoped the House would believe that nothing would have induced him to follow the course he adopted, had he not been convinced that he had acted according to the dictates of the soundest principles of wisdom and justice.

Lord Stanley then rose, and proceeded to lay before the House the several steps of the negotiation in which he had been recently engaged. When Her Majesty asked for his advice on the Ministerial crisis, he had begged for a statement of the reasons which had induced Lord John Russell to retire, and when he found that that retirement was attributed solely to the small majority on the occasion of Mr. Disraeli's motion, and to the defeat which the Ministry had sustained on Mr. Locke King's motion for an extension of the franchise, he had ventured to express his doubts that the resignation of the late Ministry was to be ascribed solely, or even principally, to those causes, He had felt it to be his duty to lay before Her Majesty his opinion as to the state of parties in the House of Commons, and to recommend that before he himself undertook the task of forming an Administration an attempt should be made to bring about an union between Lord John Russell and the supporters of the late Sir Robert Peel. Lord Aberdeen had detailed the reasons which had frustrated such an union. When that attempt failed, he had himself attempted an approximation between the Protectionist party and the followers of Sir Robert Peel, among whose ranks were to be found men of the highest character for ability and official talents, but who seemed to exercise

those talents solely to render the formation of any Ministry an impossibility. This attempt, too, having failed, he was reduced to have recourse entirely to the Protectionist party, and though there were many men among them who would have formed able members of a Ministry, yet when he considered that with one exception that party was deficient in men of official experience, that when his Ministry was formed it would have to contend with a majority most effective for opposition, if unable to combine for anything else, and that the public service rendered a dissolution at the present moment impossible, he had, after mature deliberation, begged Her Majesty to relieve him from the responsibility of forming an Administration. The noble Lord then contradicted the reports that he had pressed Her Majesty to consent to a dissolution, and that Lord John Russell had forced himself on Her Majesty while the negotiations in which he (Lord Stanley) had been concerned were in progress, and concluded his speech by giving a sketch of the course which he should have felt it his duty to pursue with regard to the Income Tax, to agricultural distress, and to Papal aggression, had he been successful in forming an Administration.

Some explanations between the Marquis of Lansdowne and Lord Stanley succeeded, after which the House adjourned.

In the House of Commons, on moving the postponement of the first order of the day,

Lord J. Russell stated what had occurred since the last meeting with reference to the formation of a Cabinet. He noticed the contradiction-very peremptory in terms, and in manner not very courteous

-which he had received on a former evening from Mr. Disraeli when he had announced that Lord Stanley, having been sent for by the Queen, had represented to Her Majesty that he was not then prepared to form a Government, and in justification of his statement he read (with permission) a letter from Prince Albert, and an account written by Lord Stanley, and by him delivered to the Queen, of his interview with Her Majesty, and which Lord Stanley had authorized him to make use of. After this he appealed to the House whether these extracts did not bear out his statement. Lord John then proceeded to say that, having been desired by Her Majesty to attempt to reconstruct an Administration, and Her Majesty having been pleased to command the attendance of Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, he had met them at the Palace, and communicated with them afterwards; that no personal considerations stood in the way of a junction, and upon several points of public importance there was no material diversity of views between them; but there was one subject upon which they differed, -namely, the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill. That, though he thought it necessary to persevere with that Bill, he had consented to make considerable alterations in it, whereas Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham were of opinion that any legislation upon the subject was unnecessary; which was so wide a difference as to render an approximation impossible. He (Lord John) thereupon again repaired to the Palace and resigned the commission with which he had been intrusted; and Lord Stanley having been again sent for, he had since resigned his commission into the

hands of Her Majesty, who in this difficulty had been pleased to command the attendance of an old and faithful friend of the Crown, the Duke of Wellington, and intended to pause for a while before any further endeavours were made to form a Cabinet. The Noble Lord then removed a misconception of what he had said on the last oc casion, explained the motives of his resignation, and defended himself against certain charges-especially that of shrinking from the difficulties of his position. These difficulties had arisen out of three questions-first, that of the commercial policy which had been commenced in 1846, and which, having been found beneficial to the great mass of the people, the present Government had followed out; secondly, the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, in respect of which he retained his opinion that the assumption of these titles was an usurpation of power on the part of a foreign prince which it was impossible for Parliament to pass over. With regard to the Bill itself, having been told by persons of competent authority that its provisions, though carefully framed, might interfere with ordination and with existing endowments, he said at once that that was not the intention of the Bill, and he should be ready to re-examine its provisions, and make such alterations as would prevent any such interference, without departing from its original scope. The last question -a very important one-was that of the extension of the suffrage, the subject of many deliberations held with his colleagues previous to the meeting of Parliament. He had prepared an outline of a measure which he thought might be proposed to the House; but there

was a preliminary question, whether, looking to the duration of the present Parliament and to the situation of the country, it was desirable to introduce such a Bill during this session; and they had all concurred in thinking it should be deferred and matured until the next. He had been perfectly satisfied with the general working of the Reform Act; but he thought if the number of persons enjoying the franchise could be increased without danger to our representative system, that system would be placed upon a wider and safer basis. With regard to the nature of the measure, however, the greatest caution should be used. He should dread any change which would deprive the House of Commons of those conservative elements that ought to belong to it, and he believed that a House of Commons representing merely numbers would jar with the other branches of the Legislature, and not conform to the spirit of the constitution.

Mr. Disraeli explained what he meant to say on the former day. He happened to see Lord Stanley immediately before the House met, and he authorized him to contradict any statement that he was not prepared to form a Government; but there was no intention on his part to be peremptory in words or discourteous in manner.

Sir James Graham, who was called for by several Members, said, that as the House seemed to expect some explanation from him, though he had no official character, he should not withhold one in the present critical position of affairs. On the evening of the 22nd instant, Lord Aberdeen and he received the commands of Her Majesty to wait upon her at Buck

ingham Palace, when Her Majesty informed them that, Lord Stanley not being then prepared to form an Administration, she had empowered Lord John Russell to endeavour to reconstruct one, and suggested that they should meet his Lordship in an amicable spirit -a command which they had most cheerfully obeyed. With reference to the three leading points to which Lord John Russell had referred, on the first, the free trade policy, there could be no difference between them; neither could there be any difference on principle as to the extension of the suffrage-a question which he (Sir James) was not unwilling to entertain, with the reservation that he could consent to no extension which he did not believe consistent with the maintenance of the existing form of Government. In respect to the remaining point, he was bound to say that, with all the modifications promised by Lord J. Russell, he could not reconcile it to himself to be an assenting party to the measure before the House. The proposed modifications would leave the Bill for all practical purposes utterly inoperative, while it would be regarded as penal and offensive, and as opposed to the policy of the last twenty years. Lord Aberdeen, with whom he had never communicated upon this subject until he had asked his opinion on the first day of the session, entirely concurred with him. Upon this point, therefore, the difficulty in the way of a junction between them and Lord J. Russell was insuperable. As that noble Lord, though he had offered to modify this Bill, refused to abandon it, this was a cardinal objection, a fatal impediment to a junction; and in the present excited state of feeling in

the country, it presented an impediment equally insuperable to the formation of a Government by Lord Aberdeen himself. To endeavour to conduct an Administration upon the principle of not legislating upon this subject, in the present state of the country, would involve Great Britain and Ireland in an angry struggle. He knew that this ground was an unpopular one, but he was convinced of its soundness and policy.

Mr. Hume had listened to the explanation of Sir J. Graham with satisfaction, but had heard that of Lord J. Russell with deep regret, showing upon what ground the impediment to a strong Administration rested-the determination of the noble Lord to persevere in an impolitic Bill.

Sir R. Inglis justified the determination of the noble Lord. The Papal aggression was such an audacity as in the worst times had not proceeded from the Church and Court of Rome. The people of Great Britain would not be satisfied with a less measure. The great complaint was that it did not meet the real grievance.

Mr. J. O'Connell appealed to English statesmen, whether they did not now think it time to do justice to Ireland?

Mr. Osborne thought the country had been reduced to a very humiliating condition, handed about between two or three noble Lords, without any attempt to form a Government upon great and liberal principles.

Mr. Newdegate observed that the explanations they had heard had elucidated many points. However he might be opposed to the policy of Lord J. Russell, upon one important point he should be

more likely to follow him than Sir J. Graham.

After some remarks from Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. P. Howard, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Wyld, Mr. Wakley, and Mr. Bankes, the House adjourned.

On the 3rd March, the ultimate adjustment of the Ministerial crisis was announced in both Houses of Parliament. The Marquis of Lansdowne thus narrated the transaction:

"My Lords, I may as well, before I move the adjournment of the House, discharge my duty by acquainting your Lordships, that in the circumstances of the present moment, and after the failure of three successive schemes for the construction of a new Administration, Her Majesty, after duly reflecting upon the situation in which she was placed by that failure, has been pleased to call upon those of her Ministers who had been recently in office to resume those offices, and to endeavour, at least, to carry on the Government of the country. My Lords, that step upon the part of Her Majesty was not taken without full and due deliberation; and I have the authority of Her Majesty to state, that having during the time she was so pausing had recourse to the advice and opinion of a noble and illustrious Duke, the most distinguished member of this House-and who is now sitting at your Lordships' table-both his advice and his opinion were in conformity with that step. Under these circumstances, I have to inform your Lordships, that Her Majesty's late Ministers have thought that they had no alternative but to undertake the task thus, of necessity almost, devolv

ing upon them. Having made that statement, I may be permitted to add, what I am sure your Lordships will readily believe, that no person laments more deeply than I do the existence of those differences of opinion which, it is obvious to your Lordships, and is well known to the public and the world, have prevented the construction of a new, a stronger, and a more effective Administration. If there were one wish that I could entertain as an individual more strongly than another, or if there were one thing which it would give me more satisfaction than any other, either in or out of office, by any effort of mine to contribute to effect, it would be to put an end to those difficulties which have proved obstacles to the construction of that which is most desirable for the interests of the country a strong and effective Administration."

The Duke of Argyll made some observations respecting the Papal aggression, and the bearing of the late Ministerial negotiations on that question. The noble Duke observed, that under the particular circumstances-looking to the high principle and the incorruptible faith exhibited in the attempts which had been made to form a Ministry-there was reason to rejoice at the failure. He rejoiced that no Government had been formed in England on the basis of passing over in total silence an act that had been proved to be an aggression against the public law of Europe, and against the spirit, if not the letter, of the municipal law of England, and above all, an aggression which, if passed over, would infallibly lead to further encroachments on this country,

which would in the end be plunged into the contest with the grievous disadvantage of being hampered by fatal admissions and fainthearted acquiescence.

Lord Brougham having presented several petitions from various places in Ireland against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, observed that those petitions lavished on that Bill all the expressions of reprobation which it was possible to employ: he could not be expected to go along with them in those expressions, and would at present express no opinion on the Bill; but nothing he had yet heard had shaken his opinion. Just on account of the statement made by his noble Friend with reference to the establishment of a strong Government, and just on account of what they had been told of the feelings of the people of Ireland and Scotland, he implored Her Majesty's Government to pause before they rejected the advice not to proceed to legislate, at least at present, on this subject, but to be satisfied with a resolution of both Houses of Parliament. That course would be attended with two inestimable advantages. It would postpone for the present that religious agitation, the worst of all agitations, which was tearing society to pieces on both sides of the Channel, though in opposite directions; it would postpone, at least, if it did not altogether allay it. It would avoid the constant renewal of that agitation and acerbity of feeling that at present too much-he might say, too fatally-prevailed on both sides of the Channel; and it would afford time for inquiry, which in his opinion was urgently needed on this subject.

The Earl of Aberdeen corrected