was a preliminary question, whether, looking to the duration of the present Parliament and to the situation of the country, it was desirable to introduce such a Bill during this session; and they had all concurred in thinking it should be deferred and matured until the next. He had been perfectly satisfied with the general working of the Reform Act; but he thought if the number of persons enjoying the franchise could be increased without danger to our representative system, that system would be placed upon a wider and safer basis. With regard to the nature of the measure, however, the greatest caution should be used. He should dread any change which would deprive the House of Commons of those conservative elements that ought to belong to it, and he believed that a House of Commons representing merely numbers would jar with the other branches of the Legislature, and not conform to the spirit of the constitution.

Mr. Disraeli explained what he meant to say on the former day. He happened to see Lord Stanley immediately before the House met, and he authorized him to contradict any statement that he was not prepared to form a Government; but there was no intention on his part to be peremptory in words or discourteous in manner.

Sir James Graham, who was called for by several Members, said, that as the House seemed to expect some explanation from him, though he had no official character, he should not withhold one in the present critical position of affairs. On the evening of the 22nd instant, Lord Aberdeen and he received the commands of Her Majesty to wait upon her at Buck

ingham Palace, when Her Majesty informed them that, Lord Stanley not being then prepared to form an Administration, she had empowered Lord John Russell to endeavour to reconstruct one, and suggested that they should meet his Lordship in an amicable spirit

a command which they had most cheerfully obeyed. With reference to the three leading points to which Lord John Russell had referred, on the first, the free trade policy, there could be no difference between them; neither could there be any difference on principle as to the extension of the suffrage-a question which he (Sir James) was not unwilling to entertain, with the reservation that he could consent to no extension which he did not believe consistent with the maintenance of the existing form of Government. In respect to the remaining point, he was bound to say that, with all the modifications promised by Lord J. Russell, he could not reconcile it to himself to be an assenting party to the measure before the House. The proposed modifications would leave the Bill for all practical purposes utterly inoperative, while it would be regarded as penal and offensive, and as opposed to the policy of the last twenty years. Lord Aberdeen, with whom he had never communicated upon this subject until he had asked his opinion on the first day of the session, entirely coneurred with him. Upon this point, therefore, the difficulty in the way of a junction between them and Lord J. Russell was insuperable. As that noble Lord, though he had offered to modify this Bill, refused to abandon it, this was a cardinal objection, a fatal impediment to a junction; and in the present excited state of feeling in

the country, it presented an impediment equally insuperable to the formation of a Government by Lord Aberdeen himself. To endeavour to conduct an Administration upon the principle of not legislating upon this subject, in the present state of the country, would involve Great Britain and Ireland in an angry struggle. He knew that this ground was an unpopular one, but he was convinced of its soundness and policy.

Mr. Hume had listened to the explanation of Sir J. Graham with satisfaction, but had heard that of Lord J. Russell with deep regret, showing upon what ground the impediment to a strong Administration rested-the determination of the noble Lord to persevere in an impolitic Bill.

Sir R. Inglis justified the determination of the noble Lord. The Papal aggression was such an audacity as in the worst times had not proceeded from the Church and Court of Rome. The people of Great Britain would not be satisfied with a less measure. The great complaint was that it did not meet the real grievance.

Mr. J. O'Connell appealed to English statesmen, whether they did not now think it time to do justice to Ireland?

Mr. Osborne thought the country had been reduced to a very humiliating condition, handed about between two or three noble Lords, without any attempt to form a Government upon great and liberal principles.

Mr. Newdegate observed that the explanations they had heard had elucidated many points. However he might be opposed to the policy of Lord J. Russell, upon one important point he should be

more likely to follow him than Sir J. Graham.

After some remarks from Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. P. Howard, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Wyld, Mr. Wakley, and Mr. Bankes, the House adjourned.

On the 3rd March, the ultimate adjustment of the Ministerial crisis was announced in both Houses of Parliament. The Marquis of Lansdowne thus narrated the transaction:

"My Lords, I may as well, before I move the adjournment of the House, discharge my duty by acquainting your Lordships, that in the circumstances of the present moment, and after the failure of three successive schemes for the construction of a new Administration, Her Majesty, after duly reflecting upon the situation in which she was placed by that failure, has been pleased to call upon those of her Ministers who had been recently in office to resume those offices, and to endeavour, at least, to carry on the Government of the country. My Lords, that step upon the part of Her Majesty was not taken without full and due deliberation; and I have the authority of Her Majesty to state, that having during the time she was so pausing had recourse to the advice and opinion of a noble and illustrious Duke, the most distinguished member of this House-and who is now sitting at your Lordships' table-both his advice and his opinion were in conformity with that step. Under these circumstances, I have to inform your Lordships, that Her Majesty's late Ministers have thought that they had no alternative but to undertake the task thus, of necessity almost, devolv

ing upon them. Having made that statement, I may be permitted to add, what I am sure your Lordships will readily believe, that no person laments more deeply than I do the existence of those differences of opinion which, it is obvious to your Lordships, and is well known to the public and the world, have prevented the construction of a new, a stronger, and a more effective Administration. If there were one wish that I could entertain as an individual more strongly than another, or if there were one thing which it would give me more satisfaction than any other, either in or out of office, by any effort of mine to contribute to effect, it would be to put an end to those difliculties which have proved obstacles to the construction of that which is most desirable for the interests of the country-a strong and effective

Administration."

The Duke of Argyll made some observations respecting the Papal aggression, and the bearing of the late Ministerial negotiations on that question. The noble Duke observed, that under the particular circumstances-looking to the high principle and the incorruptible faith exhibited in the attempts which had been made to form a Ministry-there was reason to rejoice at the failure. He rejoiced that no Government had been formed in England on the basis of passing over in total silence an act that had been proved to be an aggression against the public law of Europe, and against the spirit, if not the letter, of the municipal law of England, and above all, an aggression which, if passed over, would infallibly lead to further encroachments on this country,

which would in the end be plunged into the contest with the grievous disadvantage of being hampered by fatal admissions and fainthearted acquiescence.

Lord Brougham having presented several petitions from various places in Ireland against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, observed that those petitions lavished on that Bill all the expressions of reprobation which it was possible to employ: he could not be expected to go along with them in those expressions, and would at present express no opinion on the Bill; but nothing he had yet heard had shaken his opinion. Just on account of the statement made by his noble Friend with reference to the establishment of a strong Government, and just on account of what they had been told of the feelings of the people of Ireland and Scotland, he implored Her Majesty's Government to pause before they rejected the advice not to proceed to legislate, at least at present, on this subject, but to be satisfied with a resolution of both Houses of Parliament. That course would be attended with two inestimable advantages. It would postpone for the present that religious agitation, the worst of all agitations, which was tearing society to pieces on both sides of the Channel, though in opposite directions; it would postpone, at least, if it did not altogether allay it. It would avoid the constant renewal of that agitation and acerbity of feeling that at present too much-he might say, too fatally-prevailed on both sides of the Channel; and it would afford time for inquiry, which in his opinion was urgently needed on this subject.

The Earl of Aberdeen corrected

the Duke of Argyll's misapprehension that he had advised that the aggression should be passed over without any notice; on the contrary, he particularly mentioned, in the few words he addressed to their Lordships the other night, that he thought it might properly engage the attention of Her Majesty's Government, and even the attention of Parliament; and in saying so, he referred to the view he had expressed to Lord Stanley before the meeting of Parliament, that in his opinion the proper mode of dealing with this subject was precisely that which had been recommended by Lord Broughamnamely, by resolution on the part of both Houses of Parliament carried to the foot of the Throne; but that he did not think it was a fit subject for legislation. He was much mistaken if the experience of their Lordships and the other House of Parliament did not convince them of the difficulty of legislation on this subject. The noble Lord at the head of the Government had already proposed to alter the Bill very materially; and Lord Aberdeen believed that, as further advances were made in the prosecution of the measure, it would be found, as in all cases of the kind, that greater difficulties would daily arise.

In the House of Commons, on the same evening, Lord John Russell spoke as follows:—

"Since I last addressed the House, the public has been put in possession of a statement made by Lord Stanley with respect to his attempts to form a Government, and the reasons why those attempts were not successful. It is not my intention to make any comment on those reasons; but I feel it right-especially after the rumours

which have been spread on this subject to say that it appears perfectly clear that Lord Stanley had full power and opportunity to form a Government, and that no request he thought it reasonable to make was denied him in the progress of his negotiations. I stated on Friday last, that Her Majesty had been pleased to send for the Duke of Wellington, in order to learn his opinion on the present state of affairs. The Queen saw the Duke of Wellington on Saturday, and late yesterday evening Her Majesty received a written communication from his Grace. I had the honour of an audience of the Queen this morning; and Her Majesty having received the opinion of the Duke of Wellington, that, in the present state of affairs, the best course Her Majesty could pursue was to invite her former Ministers to resume office, Her Majesty was pleased to desire that her former Ministers should resume their offices accordingly. After what has occurred-after the failure of the repeated attempts which have been made to form a Government, as has been stated to the House-I and my colleagues thought that we could not perform our duty to Her Majesty and the country otherwise than by accepting the offer which Her Majesty had been pleased to make. Having entered so fully the other day into the subjects which have recently formed matter of debate, I will only say now, that I trust the House will allow us an adjournment for a few days before proceeding with matters of public debate; by which means we shall have an opportunity of considering the various measures we purpose introducing, and the state of public business generally. I purpose pro

ceeding with the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill on the 7th instant; and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on moving the second reading of that Bill, will state what amendments and alterations it is intended to make in it when it shall go into Committee. I therefore propose that the second reading of the Bill shall be fixed for the 7th of March, with the intention of taking it as the first order of the day. Before, however, proceeding with the orders of that day, I will state the course which the Government mean to pursue with respect to other business before the House-as far, at least, as fixing the time at which it shall be brought under consideration. On that occasion I will answer the question put to me the other day, which I was not then in a position to answer, as to the time at which we shall proceed with the Budget. I shall be prepared to state the day on which the Budget will come on, and the course which we are prepared to pursue on that subject. I now move that the order of the day for the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles As

sumption Bill be postponed to the 7th of March."

Some observations were made in the course of a desultory discussion that followed respecting the position of the Government and the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Some of the Irish Members, Mr. Keogh, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Reynolds, threatened that measure with a protracted and vigorous opposition. Lord John Manners assured Lord John Russell that his policy would encounter no factious or unnecessary opposition from his friends the Protectionist party. But he added, that if no relief were proposed for the agricultural distress, the Member for Bucks, Mr. Disraeli, would probably ask the opinion of the House on some measure for its mitigation. Mr. Wakley thought the pledge that there should be no factious or unnecessary opposition from the Protectionists, considering the decapitated state of that party, was not worth much. He extolled, however, in very high terms, the candour and manliness of Lord Stanley's conduct in the recent crisis.