Sivut kuvina
PDF
ePub
[graphic]

der!")–Well, the Crown would another crusade against the re-
mot
, nor the people

. In France covered rights of the Waldezsian the spirit of persecution was so re- Christians ; France, supporting rired by Fopery

, that schools were Papal tyranny in Italy, and busy empty-— he could prove it by in unprecedented persecution of authentic documents ; public wor- Protestants at home, may soon ship forbidden; and, excepting seek political aggrandizement the dragonade, the Protestants of under pretext of religion. This France were

, as a body, as piteously realm of England may stand alone, oppressed as under Louis XIV. but it will not give way by submisIt behoved the Legislature to enter sion; no, not for an hour. What a record on the statute-book, that may be the issue to the empire, no all these things were the work and man can foretell; but, for ourselves, for the behoof of a foreign power happen what may, we will, by God's - not a person, but a power— blessing, stand immoveably on our which we utterly repudiate and immortal faith, which we have abhor. The weak residue of & neither the right nor the disposition measure, now before the House, was to surrender." (Continued cheering.) altogether inadequate ; but, being Mr. Sidney Herbert held that, so, he rejoiced that the people of in tolerating any form of ChrisEngland should know it. The tianity, they could be scarcely said task was, how to repress the onward to be tolerating error. The vastmarch of Papal domination; how ness of the truth of redemption deal with such a Protean power

. was so great, that an admisture of and our Parliamentary system on the human mind. Under this

The forms of our free constitution error could not overpower its effects seemed infantine before its ma- persuasion, he deplored the theochinery—so vast, so complete, so logical character of the debate, and utterly impenetrable. Yet , by recommended charity

. The people God's blessing

, we would deal with of England confused bishoprics it. "Penal laws," continued the with titles; their abstract idea of a noble Lord, “ objectionable in prin- bishop was a person with 50001, a ciple, are ruinous in practice

. year and great temporal advanWhile Ireland lay under penal tages

. If we had possessed an lars, the spirit of Protestantism episcopal Dissenting body, the diswas heavy and asleep; when they tinction would have been clear; tere repealed, and men could no and if the Pope had called the longer trust to statutes, she awoke bishops " overseers," so complete like a giant refreshed with wine. was our slavery to words, that pro

Cheers.) Her progress is rapid ; bably no notice would have been and, may what you will, we will taken of the proceeding. In refermake in Ireland more converts ence to the measure, if it meant in a year than you shall throughout to make a protest and declaration, this realm of England in the whole why not simply protest and declare, of a century. Everywhere there and not legislate-or, by trying to is preparation for a religious war. legislate, fåll into the present inAustria, espousing the quarrels of extricable confusion? nascent liberty in Sardinia; ano- word "toleration;" deeming that

[ocr errors]

ther Simon de Montfort may head the principle established by the

Lord Palmerston repudiated the

the Pope, is panting to put down

borive bed syn

VOL. XCIII.

τα κλποφραAs puσα κλποφραβε

[graphic]

NUAL REGISTER, 1851.

England.]

HISTORY.

[49

[England

. and vicars-apos- duction of canon law, would be ial to the Roman untouched, and the whole usurpet material to the tion would be left entire and coo

Goulburn did plete. Adhering to the settlement - by his vote for of 1829, he had uniformly assisted wal of the mode in removing all obsolete enactession had been ments only offensive to the feeling ment. He could and irritating to the tranquillity of the contrast be- large bodies of his countrymen ;

proposed to be had done that earnest hope and
-citement which expectation—though not without a
roused by the misgiving, which he hoped his li

was calculated tholic friends would forgive—ths
udicial effect. by mutual moderation they might
en asserted by live calmly and peacefully together.
at the Pope It might be that the spirit of the
Lll once issued, Roman Catholic religion and di
history. Very the Protestant religion could 146
d recalled the harmoniously coalesce; but he ear-
ishop to the nestly hoped that the day of stras
the coast of gle would be averted; for of all mars

to conciliate the worst was a little civil war about
people of this religious matters. As he beliered
withdraw his that by supporting this Bill be
Cr. Goulburn should rather offer an affront the
encroachment comply with the desire of Protes-

authority of tant England--that he would be rotestantism doing much to render Ireland upEstablished governableand that upon him

would rest a share of the respons

der!")—Well, the Crown would another crusade against the renot, nor the people. In France covered rights of the Waldensian the spirit

of persecution was so re- Christians ; France, supporting vived by Popery, that schools were Papal tyranuy in Italy, and busy empty-he could prove it by in unprecedented persecution of authentic documents ; public wor Protestants at home, may soon ship forbidden; and, excepting seek political aggrandizement the dragonade, the Protestants of under pretext of religion. This France were, as a body, as piteously realm of England may stand alone, oppressed as under Louis XIV. but it will not give way by submisIt beloved the Legislature to enter sion; no, not for an hour. What a record on the statute-book, that may be the issue to the empire, no all these things were the work and man can foretell; but, for ourselves, for the behoof of a foreign power happen what may, we will, by God's --not a person, but a power— blessing, stand immoveably on our which we utterly repudiate and immortal faith, which we have abhor. The weak residue of a neither the right nor the disposition measure, now before the House, was to surrender.” (Continued cheering.) altogether inadequate ; but, being Mr. Sidney Herbert held that, so, he rejoiced that the people of in tolerating any form of ChrisEngland should know it. The tianity, they could be scarcely said task was, how to repress the onward to be tolerating error. The vastmarch of Papal domination; how ness of the truth of redemption deal with such a Protean power. was so great, that an admixture of The forms of our free constitution error could not overpower its effects and our Parliamentary system on the human mind. Under this seemed infantine before its ma- persuasion, he deplored the theochinery—so vast, so complete, so logical character of the debate, and utterly impenetrable. Yet, by recommended charity. The people God's blessing, we would deal with of England confused bishoprics it. “Penal laws," continued the with titles; their abstract idea of a noble Lord,“ objectionable in prin- bishop was a person with 50001. a ciple, are ruinous in practice. year and great temporal advanWhile Ireland lay under penal tages. If we had possessed an laws, the spirit of Protestantism episcopal Dissenting body, the diswas heavy and asleep; when they tinction would have been clear ; were repealed, and men could no and if the Pope had called the longer trust to statutes, she awoke bishops “overseers," so complete like a giant refreshed with wine. was our slavery to words, that pro(Cheers.) Her progress is rapid ; bably no notice would have been and, say what you will, we will taken of the proceeding. In refermake in Ireland more converts ence to the measure, if it meant in a year than you shall throughout to make a protest and declaration, this realm of England in the whole why not simply protest and declare, of a century. Everywhere there and not legislate--or, by trying to is preparation for a religious war. legislate, fall into the present inAustria, espousing the quarrels of extricable confusion ? the Pope, is panting to put down Lord Palmerston repudiated the nascent liberty in Sardinia; ano word toleration;" deeming that ther Simon de Montfort may head the principle established by the VOL. XCIII.

[E]

ressed the bility of that social strife which he felt on might arise on a subject in which ions of the they were now in the right his compre- refused his consent to the second the munici. reading.

had been Lord Ashley pointed out an ir-
our of the fringement of the Act of 1829, in
at was the the nomination of one of the ner
the while ? sees, as that of St. Darid's.
chy would Merioneth, and Newport "—a fea-
3 spiritual ture recently disclosed in an
uce the ca- authorized Roman Catholic trans-
e operative lation of the brief

. In the tone
11 prevent of Napoleon in his most haughty
used mea- and terrible days, the Pope virtually
ity within declared that the house of Hanorer
evil; for had ceased to reign. If the Par-

assump- liament of England submitted to erarchical that, he could tell them that the the intro- Queen would not-a(Cries of

"Or

between bishops and vicars-apostolic was immaterial to the Roman Catholics, but most material to the Protestants. Mr. Goulburn did not mean to imply by his vote for the Bill any approval of the mode in which the aggression had been met by the Government. He could not but feel that the contrast between the measure proposed to be enacted and the excitement which had been mainly aroused by the act of the Ministers, was calculated to produce a prejudicial effect. The position so often asserted by Roman Catholics, that the Pope could not revoke a bull once issued, was contradicted by history. Very recently the Pope had recalled the bull appointing a bishop to the diocese of Goa on the coast of India. If he wished to conciliate the good-will of the people of this country, he would withdraw his recent act, which Mr. Goulburn characterised as an encroachment upon the sovereign authority of the Queen, upon the Protestantism of England and the Established Church.

Mr. Cardwell expressed the disappointment which he felt on comparing the conclusions of the Solicitor-General with his comprehensive exordium. If the municipal and national law had been violated and the honour of the Sovereign attacked, what was the Government about all the while? If the Romish hierarchy would have temporal as well as spiritual power, and would introduce the canon law, would the single operative clause of the present Bill prevent that effect? The proposed measure contained no possibility within itself of remedying the evil; for however it restrained the assumption of titles, the real hierarchical and synodical power, and the intro

duction of canon law, would be untouched, and the whole usurpation would be left entire and complete. Adhering to the settlement of 1829, he had uniformly assisted in removing all obsolete enactments only offensive to the feelings and irritating to the tranquillity of large bodies of his countrymen ; he had done that in earnest hope and expectation—though not without a misgiving, which he hoped his Catholic friends would forgive—that by mutual moderation they might live calmly and peacefully together. It might be that the spirit of the Roman Catholic religion and of the Protestant religion could not harmoniously coalesce; but he earnestly hoped that the day of struggle would be averted; for of all wars, the worst was a little civil war about religious matters. As he believed that by supporting this Bill he should rather offer an affront than comply with the desire of Protestant England—that he would be doing much to render Ireland ungovernable—and that upon him would rest a share of the responsibility of that social strife which might arise on a subject in which they were now in the right—he refused his consent to the second reading.

Lord Ashley pointed out an infringement of the Act of 1829, in the nomination of one of the new sees, as that of "St. David's, Merioneth, and Newport"—a feature recently disclosed in an authorized Roman Catholic translation of the brief. In the tone of Napoleon in his most haughty and terrible days, the Pope virtually declared that the house of Hanover had ceased to reign. If the Parliament of England submitted to that, he could tell them that the Queen would not—{Cries of "Order!")—Well, the Crown would not, nor the people. In France the spirit of persecution was so revived by Popery, that schools were empty—he could prove it by authentic documents; public worship forbidden; and, excepting the dragonade, the Protestants of France were, as a body, as piteously oppressed as under Louis XIV. It behoved the Legislature to enter a record on the statute-book, that all these things were the work and for the behoof of a foreign power —not a person, but a power— which we utterly repudiate and abhor. The weak residue of a measure, now before the House, was altogether inadequate; but, being so, he rejoiced that the people of England should know it. The task was, how to repress the onward march of Papal domination; how deal with such a Protean power. The forms of our free constitution and our Parliamentary system seemed infantine before its machinery—so vast, so complete, so utterly impenetrable. Yet, by God's blessing, we would deal with it. "Penal laws," continued the noble Lord, "objectionable in principle, are ruinous in practice. While Ireland lay under penal laws, the spirit of Protestantism was heavy and asleep; when they were repealed, and men could no longer trust to statutes, she awoke like a giant refreshed with wine. (Cheers.) Her progress is rapid; and, say what you will, we will make in Ireland more converts in a year than you shall throughout this realm of England in the whole of a century. Everywhere there is preparation for a religious war. Austria, espousing the quarrels of the Pope, is panting to put down nascent liberty in Sardinia; another Simon de Montfort may head Vol. XCIII.

another crusade against the recovered rights of the Waldensian Christians; France, supporting Papal tyranny in Italy, and busy in unprecedented persecution of Protestants at home, may soon seek political aggrandizement under pretext of religion. This realm of England may stand alone, but it will not give way by submission; no, not for an hour. What may be the issue to the empire, no man can foretell; but, for ourselves, happen what may, we will, by God's blessing, stand immoveably on our immortal faith, which we have neither the right nor the disposition to surrender." (Continued cheering.)

Mr. Sidney Herbert held that, in tolerating any form of Christianity, they could be scarcely said to be tolerating error. The vastness of the truth of redemption was so great, that an admixture of error could not overpower its effects on the human mind. Under this persuasion, he deplored the theological character of the debate, and recommended charity. The people of England confused bishoprics with titles; their abstract idea of a bishop was a person with 5000/. a year and great temporal advantages. If we had possessed an episcopal Dissenting body, the distinction would have been clear; and if the Pope had called the bishops "overseers," so complete was our slavery to words, that probably no notice would have been taken of the proceeding. In reference to the measure, if it meant to make a protest and declaration, why not simply protest and declare, and not legislate—or, by trying to legislate, fall into the present inextricable confusion?

Lord Palmerston repudiated the word "toleration;" deeming that the principle established by the

[E]

Emancipation Act was the far greater principle of religious freedom. But churches were, like all corporate bodies, encroaching. The Bill would supply an omission in the Act of 1829; and as the Church of Rome obeyed that Act, he believed it would obey this.

Mr. H. Drummond delivered a speech which led to a scene of great excitement in the House. Commenting in strong terms upon the distinctive tenets of the Romish Church, the hon. Gentleman was so far carried away by the excitement of his subject, and provoked by the taunting cheers of his opponents, as to use language which wounded very keenly the religious feelings of the Roman Catholic portion of his hearers. The Earl of Arundel, with great earnestness, appealed to the Speaker whether it was consistent with the rules of debate thus to outrage the feelings of Members of the House?

The Speaker said that Mr. Drummond had not exceeded the freedom of speech necessarily allowed in debate, but he suggested to Mr. Drummond the propriety of using caution in handling topics of so delicate a nature. Great excitement, however, still prevailed in the House, and several Members, among whom were Mr. G rattan and Mr. Moore, warmly expressed their indignation at the insulting language used towards their faith. Mr. John O'Connell moved the adjournment of the debate. At length, however, after the Speaker had earnestly called on the House to support his authority in maintaining order, Mr. Drummond was suffered to proceed. The hon. Member concluded by saying, that he thought the extension of the Bill to Ireland was

unjust and uncalled for. He would pass a law to prevent cardinals from coming to this country, to declare all acts done under the canon law null and void, and to extend the Mortmain Act, so as to protect dying men.

Sir J. Graham, after condemning in strong terms the expressions which had fallen from Mr. Drummond, said he should treat this, not as a religious, but a political question. He repeated the admissions he had made on a former occasion, that the language used by the Pope and Cardinal Wiseman was arrogant and needlessly offensive to the feelings of a great Protestant community; that it was extremely difficult for the servants of the Crown to pass it by in silence and contempt, and that they were bound to assert the great Protestant principles fixed at the Reformation, confirmed at the Revolution and by the Act of Settlement, and ratified by the solemn compacts at the union of Scotland to England and of Ireland to Great Britain. He would not discuss the point how the aggression should have been met, whether by proclamation or diplomacy; the question was a narrower one—Was legislation the right mode, and if so, was this Bill the proper scheme of legislation? He had doubted, and the doubt had been confirmed by legal opinions, whether the first clause of the Bill, coupled with the preamble, would not carry all the provisions of the clauses which it was proposed to exclude: in which case the Government would be bound to vote against the Bill. His principal* objections, however, were—first, that it was the introduction of a penal enactment; and, secondly, that it was a reversal of a policy.

« EdellinenJatka »