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CHAPTER VIII.

FRANCE. Interpellations by M. Napoleon Bonaparte in the Assembly respecting Orders issued to the Army by General Changarnier-Discussion thereon-Election of Questors-Resignation of the Ministry— Formation of the Baroche Cabinet-Order of the Day issued by General Baraguay d'Hilliers, the new Commander-in-Chief-Hostile Motion by M. Remusat, carried in the Assembly-Report of Committee on the Conduct of the Executive in dismissing General Changarnier-Resolution of Want of Confidence in the Ministry, moved by M. St. Beuve Debate thereon-Speeches of MM. Mouet, Baroche, Berryer, Lamartine, General Changarnier, M. Thiers, and General CavaignacMotion of M. St. Beuve carried-The Ministry resign-Formation of a Provisional Cabinet-Message of the President to the AssemblyInterpellations by M. Houyn de Tranchère-Letter from the Duc de Bordeaux to M. Berryer-Dotation Bill of the President brought forward by the Ministry-Report of Committee thereupon, rejecting the Bill-Financial Statement-Debate on Dotation Bill-Speeches of MM. de Royer, Dufougerais, and De Montalembert-Dotation Bill rejected-The President declines an offer of a Public Subscription-New Ministry formed by M. Léon Faucher-Speech by M. Léon Faucher -Hostile Motion of M. St. Beuve rejected-Proposition by M. Pascal Duprat respecting the Candidature for the Presidentship-Discussion respecting French Cardinals-Debate on proposal to repeal the Law exiling the Bourbon Family-National Guard Organic Bill-Speech of the President of the Republic at Dijon-Comments thereon in the Assembly Petitions in favour of a Revision of the Constitution -The Assembly refer the Petitions to a Special Committee-Discussion in the Bureaux-Opinions of the Conseils Généraux throughout France on the Question of Revision.

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THE political events of this year throughout the Continent of Europe, with the exception of France, possess little or no interest. The vast congeries of States known under the general name of Germany, have relapsed very nearly into the same position and condition which prevailed before the revolutionary storm of 1848 burst forth. The only difference is, that absolutism has strengthened its defences, and, warned by the events of that and the following year, has

converted Europe into an immense military camp. It was one of the axiomatic sayings of Burke, that "kings will become tyrants from policy when subjects are rebels on principle," and this seems likely to be fully verified in the case of the old monarchies of the Continent. The dream of German nationality with a Prussian or Austrian emperor at its head has vanished into air, and the sittings of the Frankfort Diet, as constituted in 1815, have been quietly

resumed, as if nothing had happened to disturb them. The whole of Europe, during this year, may be said to have enjoyed the blessing of profound peace, for even in France internal quiet was only momentarily interrupted by actual conflict. But events there happened which must have an important influence upon the future, and it is to that country that the annalist of foreign affairs has at present almost exclusively to direct his

attention.

In the beginning of January the Patrie newspaper published what it asserted to be extracts from the instructions originally issued by the Commander-in-Chief of the army of Paris, General Changarnier, to the troops. They were as follows:

"1. Not to accede to any requisition unless after having orders from the Lieutenant-General. 2. To be without pity for all National Guards found on the side of the insurgents. 4. Not to obey the Representatives. 7. To shoot on the instant all traitors. 8. To fall on all persons propagating false news, such as the death of the General-in-Chief. 11. All the soldiers abstaining from acting during the combat to be shot."

The publication of these "orders" caused considerable excitement, and on the 3rd of January M. Napoleon Bonaparte, in the Assembly, demanded the right to put questions on the subject to the Minister of War, General Schramm. The usual custom is to appoint a day on which the questions on which information is desired shall be put, in order to give time to the party addressed to be prepared with his answers; but on this occasion the impatience of the Assembly would allow no delay,

and, after negativing several motions for an adjournment, the majority decided that immediate permission should be given to put the questions; General Changarnier himself voting with the majority. M. Bonaparte then, after a short speech, in which he characterized the orders to the troops as worthy of Radetzky or Windischgrätz, and a violation of the constitution, moved that "The Assembly, censuring the instructions given to the troops under the Commander-in-Chief, requests the Minister of War to modify them, and passes to the order of the day."

The Minister of War stated, that in desiring adjournment he did not wish for evasion. The interpellations related to a matter which had taken place 29 months ago, and on which it was impossible for him to give any explanations in an instant, as the document spoken of could not be found in the office of his department.

Several voices called for the order of the day "pure and simple," but General Changarnier begged leave to give the explanation the Minister of War was unable to afford.

"The document in question," he said, "does not exist; it never has existed, for if it had it could still be found. In spite of the care taken by the Patrie to make an erratum with intent that the order should be textual, I positively declare that no permanent or temporary instructions of the kind published have ever emanated from the Commander-in-Chief of the army of Paris. In those which he has considered it his duty to address to the troops under his orders, the constitutional right of the Assembly to order out the troops has never been called in question. It

is very true, that when, under the government of my honourable comrade, General Cavaignac, I was placed at the head of the National Guard, I published an order, which, when I united to that command that of the troops of the First Military Division, was also immediately communicated to them; that order, which I considered it my duty to issue, prescribed all the precautions to be taken to secure the regular transmission of orders and unity of command in time of combat. I may add, that all the Governments which have succeeded each other since that period have approved of that order; and the Patrie might, for the sake of having it correct, have taken it from the journals of the time."

After this the order of the day, "pur et simple," was loudly called for and almost unanimously voted, when the Assembly broke up in great agitation.

Next day a further proof of the hostility of the Assembly to the Ministry was given in the election of its officers for the month. It re-elected as Questors, General Leflo and MM. Baze and De Panat, three members of the opposition; and in the Ninth Bureau, M. Léon Faucher, the personal friend of President Bonaparte, was rejected, in favour of M. Lepelletier d'Aulnay.

The Ministry therefore determined to resign, and proceeded in a body to the Elysée, where they had an interview with the Presi

dent, who accepted their resignations. He treated the conduct of General Changarnier in voting for an immediate inquiry at the demand of M. Bonaparte as an act of personal hostility to himself; and he was not sorry to find a decent pretext for removing from his im

portant post an officer whose influence with the army he dreaded, and who had on more than one occasion thwarted his views and wishes. He had long felt himself under a kind of thraldom to General Changarnier, from which he was determined at the first opportunity to free himself, and he availed himself of the present crisis to put his purpose in execution. He declared, therefore, that he would accept no Ministry which was not prepared to dismiss General Changarnier.

This, of course, created no little difficulty, for the vote of the Assembly on the 3rd of January, when it, instead of censuring the conduct of the Commander-in-Chief, passed at once to the order of the day, was in fact a vote of approval of that formidable General; and, therefore, to dismiss him would be to do an act of direct antagonism to the Assembly. But at last a Cabinet was formed willing to take office on those terms, and it consisted of the following members :

M. Baroche-Interior.
M. Fould-Finance.
M. Rouher-Justice.
M. Parieu-Instruction.
M. St. Jean d'Angely-War.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys-Foreign
Affairs.

M. Magne-Public Works.
M. Bonjean-Commerce.
M. Ducos-Marine.

The following order of the day was issued by General Baraguay d'Hilliers on his appointment to the command of the army of Paris in place of General Changarnier

"Soldiers!-Called by the confidence of the President of the Republic to the command of the army of Paris, I think it neces

sary to tell you fairly how I com- Remusat. prehend my mission.

"To maintain in the army placed under my orders the strict and severe discipline established by my honourable predecessor.

"To preserve to each rank the influence and authority to which it is entitled by the articles of war. "To respect and cause to be respected on every occasion the rights and powers established by the constitution.

"To support energetically the authorities in the execution of the laws; such are our common duties. "I feel assured that we shall not fail; your past reputation and mine are sure guarantees of that.

"BARAGUAY D'HILLIERS. "Paris, Jan. 9, 1851." The feeling of the Assembly towards the new Ministry was soon put to the test, for on the 10th of January M. de Remusat rose and said, that he expected, in presence of the grave and extraordinary facts proclaimed to France in the Moniteur of the morning, that Ministers would come forward and explain why the former Administration had withdrawn and the new one been formed. Their conduct, he said, was unaccountable. The silence of the Cabinet imposed upon the Assembly an obligation to speak. It would, he was sure, prove true to its mission. It had saved the country, and others had merely followed its footsteps. He accordingly called upon the Assembly to retire into its bureaux and devise measures commanded by the gravity of circumstances. Let the Assembly speak, and break a too long and generous silence.

M. Baroche, Minister of the Interior, said, that he felt a certain embarrassment in replying to the questions put to him by M. de

He had never ques

tioned the eminent services rendered by the Assembly. Yes, it had saved France, but it was by the harmony that had invariably prevailed between the legislative and executive powers since December, 1848. He would appeal to the Assembly, and, if necessary, to the country itself. He would appeal to the conscience of those whose co-operation they hoped to obtain. ("Yes! yes!"No! no!") "What!" continued M. Baroche, "I am asked to explain our policy, and you interrupt me by negative cries before you hear me. You wage war upon our persons and not on our policy." All were aware of the generous and constant efforts of the executive power since 1848, and it would be the height of injustice and ingratitude to contest the part that power had had in promoting a prosperity which the recent agitation had not yet impaired. He was asked what was the policy of the new Cabinet. It was indicated beforehand by their past acts. It was not for the pitiful honour of remaining on the Ministerial bench that he or any of his colleagues would consent to forget their past conduct. Their policy was to be found in the Presidential Message of the 12th of November, 1850, which had been applauded by the great majority of the Assembly. The Cabinet was determined to enforce respect for the constitution, that sheet-anchor of the country, and to persevere in a loyal and courageous defence of the rights and privileges of the Executive. That was the programme of the Cabinet-nothing more nor less. It would be judged by its acts. It wished to transact the business of the country, and would show itself actively devoted to its

interests. (M. Vezin:-"Your presence is an act of hostility against the Assembly." "Do not mind the interruption," exclaimed General Lebreton; "it is the expression of an individual opinion which we do not share.") M. Baroche, in conclusion, appealed for support to all those who were anxious to devote themselves with them to the interests of the country, and he trusted his appeal would be responded to by the former majority. M. Berryer next rose, and said that he had not intended to speak, but after the vague and contradictory reply he had heard he could not remain silent. How did it happen that a Cabinet so united and unanimous, divided into two parts, had resigned after a vote of the Assembly, approving the conduct of General Chargarnier, who was attacked by a journal whose intercourse with the Executive was known? The General was called to account. The Ministry had nothing to say in the affair, since none of its members were in office at the time the document alluded to was issued, and yet, after the whole Assembly had given a solemn assent to the words of the General, the Ministry considered it the moment to tender their re

signation! It behoved the Assembly to give the General a testimony of its high esteem and confidence. M. Berryer then asked why General Lahitte, who had avenged the dignity of France in a difference with a nation jealous of her prosperity and power, was one of the Ministers sacrificed? In conclusion, he called on the Minister to explain the motive of the retirement of that Minister and the rest of the Cabinet.

M. Baroche replied that the date of the retirement of the

Cabinet sufficiently explained the motives of its resolution. They had adopted it after a series of acts which had wounded the feelings and dignity of the Administration. The Assembly might remember a certain discussion on an important point of which the Administration demanded the adjournment, and which the Assembly refused to grant. He was asked why he remained in office? It was because an appeal was addressed to his devotion and to that of his colleagues in the name of the general interest, and in consequence of a situation which could not last. He concurred with M. Berryer in his praise of General Lahitte's conduct, which was part of the energetic policy pursued both at home and abroad by the Cabinet. In conclusion, he begged the Assembly to postpone its judgment until the acts of the Cabinet were known.

M. Dufaure said that the question at issue was of a higher and graver order. The National Assembly was daily attacked by the Ministerial press in all parts of the country. It was described as in a state of constant aggression against the Executive. The Government press regularly copied articles published in England against that Assembly. He could make certain disclosures relative to the part the English press had acted in the reviews of Satory. Those attacks were calculated to bring the Assembly into disrepute. It was proclaimed unworthy of the nation it represented for the purpose of restoring in France a Government, which the existence during 36 years of a Parliamentary Government rendered impossible. Why those seditious cries, uttered by the troops, if criminal intentions

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