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Bat neither the army -nor the people seemed to favour Sal dm his views, and he found himself almost destitute of support. The King left Lisbon at the head of a strong military force in search of the Duke, but the latter did not venture to come to an engagement; and he retired to the neighbourhood of Oporto, in hopes that that city would pronounce in his favour.

He made an effort to induce the Count de Casal, who commanded the garrison at Oporto, to join him; but that officer remained firm in his duty and allegiance, and replied to Saldanha's summons in these terms:—

'' Sir, However great may be the affection and deference we feel for your Excellency, I cannot, as a soldier and General of the 3rd Military Division, but fulfil, even at the' sacrifice of my life, the duty I owe to Her Majesty the Queen; maintaining intact the prerogatives of the Crown, which I am determined to sustain with the brave and faithful garrison I command."

But there was disaffection amongst the troops under his command, and on his ordering the arrest of some officers whose designs he suspected, an insurrection of the garrison broke out, which the Count de Casal was unable to quell. He therefore at last, on the 25th of April, abruptly quitted Oporto, attended by only one aide-de-camp. A colonel of infantry, in endeavouring to restore order and obedience, was shot by the soldiers.

In the mean time the Duke of Saldanha was wandering a fugitive, no one exactly knew where. He had been disappointed in his hopes of a general rising, and his only chance of safety seemed to be in his escape as quickly as possible

from the soil of Portugal. The news that Oporto had declared in his favour overtook him on the 27th of April, just as he had entered Gallicia, and he immediately turned his horse's head and rode back. He reached Oporto late in the afternoon, and met with a most enthusiastic reception. One account says: — " The whole city seemed to vomit forth its inhabitants, and for two leagues on the route by which he was expected the road was a complete mass of people on foot, on horseback, and in carriages. In the city, the streets which he had to pass along were a living mass, colours of all nations waved across from house to house, the windows were hung with draperies, and filled with all the beauty and fashion of the place."

By this time the tide had everywhere turned in Saldanha's favour, and the Queen resolved to make at once a virtue of necessity, and, accepting the hasty resignation of Count Thomar, who took refuge on board an English vessel of war, she dispatched a telegraphic message to Oporto, by which she desired the Duke of Saldanha to come immediately to the capital, "as the good of the State required h."

The result was, that Saldanha came in triumph to Lisbon, and a ministry was formed, on the 22nd of May, consisting of the following members:—

Duke of Saldanha, President of the Council, and Minister ad interim of War.

Jose Ferreira Pestana, Minister of the Interior.

Joaquim Felipe de Soure, of Justice.

Marquis de Louie, of Marine.

Marino Miguel Frangini, of Finance.

'Jervis de Attoguia, of Foreign Affairs.

SPAIN.—Early in January the Narvaez Ministry resigned, owing, as was generally believed, to the hostility with which it was regarded by the Queen-mother Christina, and on the 15 th of that month a new Cabinet was formed, consisting of the following members:—

M. Bravo Murillo, Minister of Finance and President of the Council.

M. Beltran de Lis, Minister for Foreign Affaire.

Count Mirasol, Minister at War.

M. Ventura Gonzalez Romero, Minister of Grace and Justice.

M. Jose M. Bastille, Minister of Marine.

M. Feniin Arteta, Minister of the Interior, and

M. Fernando Negrete, of Commerce.

On the 20th of December the Queen was safely delivered of a daughter.

GERMANY.—Dresden ConFerences.—We stated in our last volume, that we would give in the present an account of the Conferences held at Dresden by the representatives of the different German States to determine their future policy. But at that time it was believed and expected that some interest would attend these deliberations, and that some of the important questions which have so long agitated Germany would receive a definite solution. Nothing, however, occurred worthy of the notice of the historian. There was much discussion, but no progress; and the result was a general consent to return to the status quo, and resuscitate the Frankfort Diet as it existed previously to the revolutionary year of 1848.

The abortive Conferences were

virtually terminated in March, but they nominally lingered on until May. We think we cannot better describe their proceedings and the result, than by quoting the following passage respecting them which appeared in the Allgemeine Zeitung:

"After their formal close they will be forgotten as a total failure, and the reorganization of Germany will immediately be discussed at Warsaw by the Monarchs in person, and the Presidents of their respective Cabinets. All the agitation, labour, and exchange of notes has only led to the recognition of the old Constitution and the old Diet as the basis and body of the political system. The reforms, improvement, and innovations lie still veiled in the deepest obscurity of the future, and will first become visible in the second half of the present month. Perhaps conditions may be made in Warsaw that may favour one State at the cost of another; now is the right moment for Prussia to beware that, under the appearance of an increase of power over the small States, it is not itself placed in the rank of secondary powers."

The final sitting took place on the 15th of May, when the following resolution was adopted by the representatives present :—

"Whereas by the concurrence of all the States to the Frankfort Diet a generally acknowledged organ of the Confederated German States has sprung into existence; whereas the action of the Commissions of the Conferences has been concluded by the submission of their respective reports; and whereas, according to the protocol of this day, a conviction has been obtained that all the Federal States agree as to the modes and objects of their endeavours, but that an immediate and unconditional assent of all the Federal Governments to all the proposals of the Commissions could not be obtained, it has been thought expedient to close the Conferences. In so doing, all the Federal Governments declare themselves to be generally agreed on those points which the Commissions established as leading points, and on this basis they promise to continue the consultations in the Federal Diet. The propositions of the first Commission in particular, respecting the transaction of business in the Diet and the preparation of a number of troops to be placed at the disposal of the said Diet, are acknowledged by all the Governments to be useful, expedient, and necessary. They consequently promise to instruct their agents to assent to these proposals, whenever the same are submitted to the sanction of the Diet."

The end, therefore, of all the revolutionary movements which have distracted Germany since February, 1848, and of all the innumerable projects for the regeneration of the Fatherland which from time to time appeared and enjoyed a short-lived popularity— has been the restoration of the old Frankfort Diet as it had existed since 1815. It seemed as if the nations had been asleep for four years, and dreamt of revolutions, but on awakening found them selves precisely in the same situation in which they were at the beginning of their slumber. Prussia and Austria and all the other States sent their representatives to the Diet as of old, and before the end of May its sittings began. But nothing of sufficient general interest occurred to make its deliberations worth recording in our pages.

AUSTRIA.—The return of Austria to her old system of absolute government, and the utter worthlessness of the promises made by the Emperor and his advisers during the revolutionary storm of 1848 to adopt in future a more constitutional policy, were signifi cantly shown by the publication of the following letters addressed by the Emperor Francis Joseph to Prince Schwarzenberg and Baron Kiibeck.

MOST HIGH CABINET LETTER TO THE MINISTEK-PBESIDENT.

"Dear Prince Schwarzenberg,— As the responsibility of the Cabinet as it now stands, is devoid of legal distinctness and exactitude, my duties as a Monarch induce me to relieve Ministers from the doubtful political position in which, as my counsellors, and as the highest executive organs, they are now placed, by declaring that they are responsible to no other political authority than the Throne.

"1. The Cabinet has to swear in my hands unconditional fidelity, as also the engagement to fulfil all Imperial resolutions and ordinances.

"2. The Cabinet will in this new position have punctually to carry out my resolutions concerning all laws, ordinances, maxims of administration, &C., may they have been considered necessary or judicious by Ministers, or may the latter have been directed by me to consult on and propose them.

"3. The Cabinet, and each Minister in his department, is responsible to me for the exact observance of the existing laws and Imperial ordinances, in their administration. To each Minister is intrusted the direction of that branch of the Administration with which he is charged. I, however, reserve to myself the right of issuing more exact regulations on. this point. relative to the political position of my Cabinet, I find it absolutely necessary that the question of the maintenance and of the possibility of carrying out the Constitution of the 4th of March, 1840, should be taken into ripe and serious consideration.

"4. The Ministerial contrasignature is in future confined to the publication of laws and Imperial ordinances, and will be that of the Minister-President, or of that of those Ministers with whose branch the matter in question is connected. The Director of the Chancellery of the Cabinet will sign under the closing formula of 'By most high command,' which will stand towards the side.

"These eontra-signatures are as a warranty that the appointed forms have been observed, and that the Imperial ordinances have been, punctually and exactly carried out.

"5. By the publication of laws and Imperial ordinances the words 'After having heard my Cabinet,' will be substituted for 'On the proposition of my Cabinet.'

"Franz Joseph (M.P.).

"Schonbriinn, Aug. 20, 1851."

not to be presented by the Cabinet to the Reichsrath for its opinion, but always to me. Agreeably to par. 7 of its statutes, I reserve to myself the right of demanding'the opinion of the Reichsrath, and of directing the discussion of matters under my own immediate direction or that of its President .

"3. I reserve to myself the right of commanding the attendance of Ministers or their deputies at the councils of the Reichsrath, according to circumstances and necessity.

"The alterations in the order of business and in other matters arising from the ordinances, you have to lay before me without loss of time. If draughts of laws which have been forwarded by the Cabinet to the Reichsrath are still under discussion, due notice is to be given to me, and under all circumstances the results of the deliberations of the Council are to be laid before me.

"Franz Joseph (M.P.).

"Schbnbriinn, Aug. 20, 1851."

MOST High Cabinet Letter To

THE PRESIDENT OF THE REICHS-
RATH (COUNCIL OF THE EMPIRE).

"Dear Baron Kiibeck,—You' will learn by the subjoined copy of my ordinance to the Cabinet the resolutions which I have taken relative to the responsibility and to the future position of my Cabinet. These resolutions induce me: to introduce some changes in the statutes of my Reichsrath:—

"1. The Reichsrath is from this time forward to be considered as my Council and the Council of the Throne.

'* % In consequence of this declaration, draughts of laws, ordinances, or other such matters, have

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"You have to consult with the President of my Reichsrath, and to give me as soon as possible your mutual opinions and propositions relative to the manner and extent of the question, as also as to the proceedings and forms to be observed during the examination.

"During the examination of this question, and in all future discussions concerning it, you have to consider as principle and object, and as the irrefragable foundation of all your operations, the maintenance of all the conditions of monarchical government, and the unity of the states of my empire. "Franz Joseph (M.P.)

"Sohonbriinn, Aug. 20, 1851."

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.— In our preceding volume we stated that before the close of last year the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein submitted to the authority of the King of Denmark. This was substantially the fact, for after the offered mediation by Prussia and threat on the part of Austria to interfere summarily by force with a body of Federal troops.no further attempt at hostility was made. But the formal submission was hot made until the beginning of the present year, when a proclamation was issued by the Stadtholders to the inhabitants, in which they announced the cessation of the war, and the reference of the matters in dispute to the arbitrament of the

Germanic Confederation. They said—

"Schleswig-Holsteiners,— The treaty of peace of the 2nd of July made a renewed recognition of the rights of our country, and left it to the Duchies to protect those rights; but since the Germanic Confederation has now resolved to enforce the peace, with a promise that they will protect the rights of Holstein, and the old and vested right of the connection between that duchy and Schleswig, the Stadtholders felt it to be their duty to decree the cessation of hostilities. They have placed the rights of the country under the protection of the Germanic Confederation.

"The Stadtholders have to thank the army and navy for the glorious proofs of gallantry and honourablo perseverance which they have given; they have to thank the people for the joyful readiness with which they made the heaviest sacrifices.

"The Government of the country thinks it a duty to mediate the transition to another administrative board, which will be established by the Germanic Confederation. After the installation of this board, the Stadtholders will resign their power.

"Schleswig-Holsteiners! For the future, too, we are sure you will preserve the glory of order and legality.

"The Stadtholders of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein—

"Revestlow,

"Fbancke,

"Kbohn,

"rehofk,

"FoMTENAT."

"Kiel, Jan. 11.

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