fusillade of petitions. In some cases the House refused to receive them, but Congress did pass several laws reducing the evils of the slave-trade. slaves. In 1793 the question came up, how fugitive slaves should be restored if they had fled and taken refuge in Fugitive another State. An act was passed by which the United States assumed authority in the matter; the claimant was simply to satisfy any national or State magistrate that he was entitled to the person claimed. The act had hardly gone into effect before a fugitive was apprehended in Massachusetts. Josiah Quincy, who was employed to defend him, tells us that he "heard a noise, and turning round he saw the constables lying sprawling on the floor, and a passage opening through the crowd, through which the fugitive was taking his departure, without stopping to hear the opinion of the court." From the very first, therefore, we find in vigorous action the paraphernalia of the later anti-slavery movement, societies, petitions, laws, and deliberate violation of laws. 80. The Success of the new Government. The government established. The end of Washington's first administration in March, 1793, saw the government completely organized, and accepted throughout the Union. The distinction between friends and opponents of the Constitution had entirely disappeared. There was no longer any suggestion of substantial amendment. Two Congresses had gone through their work, and had accustomed the people to a national legislature. The President had made appointments, sent ambassadors, commanded the army, and vetoed bills; and yet there was no fear of a monarchy. The national courts were in regular and undisturbed session. The Union was complete, and two new States, Vermont and Kentucky, had been admitted. to Τ grea ers Ha Cor det jud rep gov Pros Am The indi com Nort unha on. and So from Relati the Sta tions it fro Neve giver remo legis and had there spirit 1793-1 Success. 153 This remarkable success was due in considerable part to the personal influence of a few men. Washington's great popularity and his disinterested use of his new powers had taken away a multitude of fears. The skill of Hamilton had built up a successful financial system. In Congress Madison had been efficient in working out the details of legislation. Washington, with his remarkable judgment of men, had selected an able staff of officials, representing all the sections of the country. Yet, as Washington himself had said, "Influence is not government." One of the chief elements of the Union's strength was that it pressed lightly upon the Prosperity. people. For the first time in the history of America there was an efficient system of import duties. They were almost the sole form of taxation, and, like all indirect taxes, their burden was not felt. Above all, the commercial benefits of the new Union were seen from North to South. Trade between the States was absolutely unhampered, and a brisk interchange of products went on. The country was prosperous; its shipping increased, and foreign trade was also growing steadily. So far the Union had met no violent resistance either from insurgents or from the States. In the Virginia conRelations with vention of 1788 Patrick Henry had said: "I the States. never will give up that darling word 'requisitions;' my country may give it up, the majority may wrest it from me, but I never will give it up till my grave." Nevertheless, when the requisitions on the States were given up, the chief cause of dispute in the Union was removed. Up to this time the only distinctly sectional legislation had been the assumption of the State debts and the fixing of the national capital; and these two had been set off against each other. If peace continued, there was every prospect of a healthy growth of national spirit. 81. References. Bibliographies. W. E. Foster, References to Presidential Administrations, 1-8; Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, VII. 294-314, 319, 320, 329-336, 454-456, 513-519; Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 162, 166. Historical Maps. Nos. 1, 4, this volume (Epoch Maps, Nos. 7, 9); MacCoun, Historical Geography; Scribner, Statistical Atlas, Plate 13; J. Morse, American Geography. General Accounts.-J. B. McMaster, United States, II. 89557; H. Von Holst, Constitutional History, I. 112-167; J. Schouler, United States, I. 221-501; R. Hildreth, United States, IV. 411-704; V. 25-418; T Pitkin, United States, II. 356-500 (to 1797); George Tucker, United States, I. 504-628; II. 21-145; Bryant and Gay, Popular History, IV. 123-144; Bradford, Constitutional History, 125-201. Special Histories. - Standard lives of Washington, especially Sparks, Marshall, and Irving; C. F. Adams, Life of John Adams; Henry Adams, Albert Gallatin; H. C. Lodge, Washington, II. 129-269; J. T. Morse, Jefferson, 146-208, and John Adams, 241– 310; G. Pellew, John Jay, 262-339; S. H. Gay, Madison, 193-251; George Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, I., II.; W. H. Trescott, Diplomatic History; T. Lyman, Diplomacy; J. C. Hamilton, Republic, V., VI. Contemporary Accounts. Thomas Jefferson, Anas (Works, IX. 185-203); William Sullivan, Familiar Letters on Public Characters, 48-187 (written in reply to Jefferson); Works of Washington, Jefferson, Fisher Ames, John Jay, Rufus King, Arthur St. Clair, John Adams, Madison, and Gallatin; Abigail Adams, Letters; W. Winterbotham, Historical View (1795); T. Cooper, Some Information respecting America (1793, 1794): Rochefoucault-Liancourt, Voyage dans les Etats-Unis (1795-1797) (also in translation); J. Weld, Travels through the States (1795-1797); newspapers, especially General Advertiser and Aurora, Boston Gazette. - Reprints in Alexander Johnston, American Orations, I.; American History told by Contemporaries, III. 1792-1794.] Political Parties. 82. Formation of political Parties (1792-1794). 155 DURING the four uneventful years from 1789 to 1793 two political parties had been slowly developed. Some Origin of writers have imagined that these two parties parties. were a survival of the Revolutionary Whigs and Tories; some have traced them back to the debate on the assumption of State debts. John Adams, years later, went to the heart of the matter when he said: "You say our divisions began with Federalism and antiFederalism. Alas! they began with human nature.” The foundation for the first two great national parties was a difference of opinion as to the nature and proper functions of the new government. During the second Congress, from 1791 to 1793, arose an opposition to Hamilton which gradually consolidated into a party. It came chiefly from the Southern and Middle States, and represented districts in which there was little capital or trade. Arrayed among his supporters were most of the representatives from New England, and many from the Middle States and South Carolina: they represented the commercial interests of the country; they desired to see the debt funded and the State debts assumed; they began to act together as another party. The finai form taken by these two parties depended much upon the character of their leaders. Hamilton, a Hamilton and man of great personal force and of strong Jefferson. aristocratic feeling, represented the principle of authority, of government framed and administered by a select few for the benefit of their fellows. Jefferson, an advocate of popular government extended to a point never before reached, declared that his party was made up of those "who identified themselves with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe, although not the most wise. 17 to depositary of the public interest." Between two such men names. A Both parties now began to set in motion new political machinery. The "Gazette of the United States" became Newspaper the recognized mouthpiece of the Federalists, and the "National Gazette,” edited by Philip Freneau, translating clerk in Jefferson's department, began to attack Hamilton and other leading Federalists, organs. and even the President. At a cabinet meeting Washing |