that to insure the support of those gentlemen on one side of the house, and the aid and countenance of many honourable disinterested and conscientious gentlemen on the other, he should produce a charge copied almost verbatim from the articles of impeachment voted against Mr. Hastings, by a strong and over-powering majority of the house, at the head of which was the late Mr. Pitt. He then moved for copies of the correspondence between marquis Cornwallis and the nabob of Oude and the court of directors; and also of the correspondence of marquis Wellesley with the native powers, with the British officers employed in India, and with the court of directors of the affairs of India. These motions being seconded by Mr. Keane, Mr. Paull again rose and assured the house that he dared the breath of calumny to impute to him, with justice, any motives but those of a public nature. He bore no animosity to lord Wellesley personally, but he would exert his honest endeavours to prosecute him to conviction; as an enemy to the prosperity and happiness of India, and to the best interest of the mother country. He could consider him in no light but that of a great state delinquent, in the same situation as that in which Mr. Hastings stood on his return from abroad, with this essential difference, that what was undefined crime in the case of Mr. Hastings, was positive criminality in the case of lord Wellesley: the latter could plead no excuse, no error in judgment, no ignorance of the laws of his country, having been a member of the British parliament when the articles of impeachment were voted aginst Mr. Hastings. He declared that, with the nabob of Oude, or with any 4 other potentate on the peninsula of India, he was as unconnected as with the emperor of France, nor would he allow, with impunity, insinuations calculated, through him, to injure the cause of truth and justice. Sir J. Metcalf said that similar motions to those now brought forward had led to nothing but trouble and expense. He hoped, therefore, that the house would pause before it would consent to grant papers under such circumstances. He objected to the motions also, as the papers demanded would afford material information to the French. government, and he was sure that they would have no tendency to criminate the conduct of the noble marquis. Besides, it would have a most dangerous effect, if, by agreeing to this motion, it should be thought on the continent of India that all the treaties and engagements that had been entered into with the native powers could be rescinded by a vote of parliament. The honourable member had indeed disclaimed any connection with the nabob of Oude, yet it was certain that he had seen that potentate later than any other member of that house. Mr. Francis said he had already given his opinion to the house and the country of the marquis Wellesley's conduct, and he saw no reason to alter it. He was not to be awed or intimidated into an abandonment of his principles.— The honourable baronet had referred to the danger that arose from the intelligence derived to the enemy from the publication of these papers; but he was of opinion that the enemy had gained more information than these could afford, from marquis Wellesley's intercepted correspondence, which had been published published in the Moniteur, and was afterwards translated into all the London papers. He was himself not aware of any danger that could be apprehended from the production of the papers, and in this opinion he was confirmed by the declaration of the noble lord at the, head of the board of controul, who had said that he saw no possible objection to their being produced. After some spirited observations made by Mr. Paull, the several motions were carried. Mr. Henry Lascelles then rose, and stated that it was his anxious wish, in conducting the melancholy business of which he had already given notice, to endeavour as much as possible to prevent a revival of those political differences which existed during the whole illustrious career of the distinguished person on whose memory it was the object of his motion to confer some singular mark of national respect. He was desirous, that without involving the consideration of such topics, an opportunity should be afforded of bestowing on the memory of so great a man such a distinguished tribute as would be conformable with the feelings of this house and of the nation, for he was sure the feelings were general, and alike honourable to the community, as to the reputation of the party who is the object of them, With this view he should studiously abstain from enumerating the various events that have formed the leading features of his brilliant administration, and should avoid entering into a consideration of subjects that might lead to a discussion foreign to the object of his motion. Having stated thus much, he submitted to the house a motion the same as that which took place in the instance of his illustrious father: for he was sure that no man would deny that the son was as great a man as the father. He therefore moved-"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to direct, that the remains of the late right honourable William Pitt be interred at the public expense, and that a monument be erected to his memory, in the collegiate church of St. Peter, Westminster, with an inscription expressive of the irreparable loss the nation has sustained by the death of so excellent a statesman." This motion was seconded by the marquis of Titchfield, who said he was solely actuated in the support he gave to the present motion, by his admiration of the virtues and extraordinary talents of the deceased statesman, and he thought the house called upon to perpetuate the memory of a member, so able, so eminent, so distinguished, and disinterested. On the motion being put from the chair, Lord Folkestone said, that though he felt as sincerely as any man for the occasion that had given rise to the motion before the house, he could not, consistently with the sense of public duty, assent to it.He did not agree that the merits of the right honourable gentleman were such as to deserve some signal mark of the respect of that house, and he should barely state the ground of this opinion to be, the result of a comparative view of what had been the situation of the country when the right honourable gentleman had first come in to office, and. what it is at present. On this ground, therefore, if he should be followed by any other gentleman, that might think with him, he should feel it his duty to divide the house upon the motion. Mr. Mr. Hawkins Browne had hoped that the motion would have been passed with an unanimity accordant with the universal grief with which every British heart was most deeply affected, and with the unfeigned respect so justly due to the memory of this illustrious statesman, who will ever be lamented and revered. As, however, a noble lord had risen to oppose the motion, he would not content himself with a silent vote. We had only to look around us, and a thousand objects would forcibly obtrude themselves upon our view, amply sufficient to confute the assertion, that the great and good man whom we all deplore, had left this country in a worse situation than he had found it in. He should confine himself to subjects upon which no difference of opinion could be entertained.The funds, the great criterion of national prosperity, notwithstanding the large expenditure which a long and extensive war had occasioned, where our efforts had exceeded all former precedents, notwithstanding the dismal prospects we have now before us, the three per cents are higher than at the commencement of Mr. Pitt's administration-though we were then in full peace, and there was every prospect of its long connance. Our public credit had been solely supported by his admirable system of finance, a system approved by all parties, and which, if it had been the single feature of his administration, deserved every honour a grateful people can bestow. After enumerating various other blessings derived under Providence from the same source, he concluded with saying that we may apply to Mr. Pitt what Suetonius says of Augustus Cesar, that he found Rome of brick and left it of mar ble. Mr. William Smith felt that he could not, consistently with a sense of public duty, accede to the motion, but must resist it; and, painful as the performance of such a duty must be, he could not shrink from the task. No one who had opposed that right honourable gentleman's measures, nor any. friend who deplored him, could more sincerely regret his loss. He had frequently witnessed the exercise of his great talents and transcendant powers, which he had often contemplated with admiration and awe. But when he was to vote this mark of respect to the right honourable gentleman as an "excellent statesman," he thought himself bound to consider whether that character belonged to his measures and administration. To form this estimate, he knew of no criterion but a consideration of the state of the country at the time he came into office, of his conduct while in office, and of the present state of the country. Every gentleman would make the comparison in his own mind, and deduce a result for himself; to him the result he confessed was unfavourable to the honourable gentleman. He had no doubt that the motion had been brought forward on the purest motives, and he was sure every gentleman sincerely regretted the loss, but he felt it an imperious though painful duty to oppose the motion. Sir Robert Buxton expected that all party considerations would have been buried in oblivion, and that this motion would have been carried with unanimity, as a just tribute to the memory of the greatest man that this or any other country ever ever produced, to whose efforts and unwearied exertions the nation now owes her present existence. “I ftel,” said he, “a greater indifference to the numbers with which this motion shall be carried, as the memory of his great name will not depend upon the records of this house; for long after they shall be annihilated, when the constitution itself shall no longer exist, nay, when the venerable pile which shall contain his sacred ashes shall be crumbled into dust, the immortal name of "Pitt" will be found in the history of the world, when his great character will receive that justice which is due to his transcendent virtues and abilities." The marquis of Douglas felt it painful to be obliged, by a sense of duty, to oppose this motion. If the gentlemen who had brought it forward had left the ashes of the right honourable gentleman in peace, they would have left the house in a situation in which it ought to remain. He was ready to assent to every thing that had been said of the great and eminent talents of the right honourable gentleman, and to admit that the house ought to be grateful for his services on many occasions; the success, however, of measures could alone entitle them to such distinction as was now claimed. It was not sufficient that a man should have talents and great public virtues; his measures should be successful. The public had not yet rested from paying the last tribute of respect to the memory of the immortal Nelson. Would the same crowds have fol. lowed the bier of that illustrious hero if he had lost a British fleet? If not, it was evident that success should crown the effort, in order to entitle the individual to any mark of national gratitude. 1806. Lord Temple spoke in favour of the motion: in doing of which he was influenced by his knowledge of the transcendent talents, and the purity and disinterestedness of the manner in which he had for many years discharged the duties of the office which his majesty had committed to his charge. Impressed with these sentiments, he could support the present motion; and, in doing so, begged leave to state that he represented the feelings of every member of his family. Mr. Windham said that no man could feel more sensibly than himself every sentiment of admiration for the rare qualities of the right honourable gentleman now no more. He felt this admiration of his resplendent talents in every instance, and came to the present discussion with that awful impression which could not but be produced by the sudden death of a great and eminent man. If this were a question of feeling, it would even then be necessary to observe how far it might be proper to share the distresses of others, or to indulge theirs at the expense of others. It would be right to examine how far they could indulge their generosity at the expense of their public duties. They were now called upon for the adjudication of the greatest rewards that could be bestowed upon an indi vidual. Rewards like those now pro posed were always conferred for great and eminent military services, and almost exclusively for those, be cause these were exploits which came home to the feelings of every man. He that routs the armies of the enemy, and he that destroys their fleets, makes his way directly to the heart of every man. A very memorable instance had lately been seen in the tribute of national gratis tude that had been paid to the meB mory mory of the immortal Nelson.Every person in the community, from the highest to the lowest, vied with each other in willing homage to such transcendent merits: these were such that no man could contradict; and therefore it is that, according to the practice of all countries, such services are most had not conducted that great cause like a great man. He had not conducted it like a skilful minister, with a view to its express objects. ' His opposition therefore rested on broad grounds;-this was not a time for entering into any inquiry, when the lamented individual was clad in his shroud. But these honours, particularly distinguished. But if granted, would be contrary to how, said he, was unanimity to be historical truth; at such an unexexpected in granting honours to a ampled and dangerous period to person after a long political life? pass a vote of such unqualified apExcept the single instance that has probation of twenty years adminisbeen stated as a precedent, no other tration that had brought the counof the kind was to be met with in. try into such a perilous state! the history of this country; and yet When gentlemen rested their supmany men had distinguished them- port of the motion on the prosperity selves by long, faithful, able, and of the country, he could not help meritorious services. He then re- exclaiming-God have mercy upon ferred to the character, talents, and us if our present state were propolitical virtues of Mr. Burke, to sperity! If we were to go on in this whom no funereal honours were state, he did not know how long it decreed. If the individuals were might last: and when he compared compared, they would be found to the present state of the country have the same abilities and the with what it had been twenty same devotion to the service of years since, he saw no reason to retheir country; nor could the cir- joice. For these reasons he thought cumstance of being in or out of the rewards ought to be withheld, office make any material difference. as only great merit accompanied It might, perhaps, be said, that as by success was entitled to them. he had agreed with the right ho- No such rewards had been decreed nourable gentleman since the the to the immortal. Nelson and sir French revolution, he ought not to Thomas Troubridge for their con oppose the present motion. This duct at Teneriffe, where they had he should meet by dividing the displayed the greatest heroism, bewhole of the right honourable gen- cause success had not crowned tleman's political life into two their enterprise. He should thereperiods; one antecedent to the fore o pose the motion; for if he French revolution, and the other were to do otherwise, he should subsequent to it, and abide by never cease to reproach himself either. With every respect for the for it. talents, and every admiration for the abilities, of the right honour able gentleman, if he were asked whether they had been usefully employed for the country,he should say No--not even in that part of his administration that had occurred since the French revolution. He Mr. Ryder expressed his astonishment at what he had just heard. The right honourable gentleman, at the most critical period of Mr. Pitt's administration, had been in union with him; he had been a sharer in his counsels; he had fought hand in hand with him those |