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CHAPTER XIII.

Illness of Mr. Fox-Fatigues and Embarrassments of Office add Strength to his Maladies-- Death of Mr. Fox-The Public Affliction at this Intelli gence Pro ession at his Interment-His Private Character-Short View of his Political Life-The Financial and Military Arrangements of his Administration- His Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade- His Conduct with respect to Foreign Powers-His Efforts for Peace-Is succeeded by Lord Percy for Westminster-Dissolution of ParliamentBoisterousness and Rudeness attending the New Elections-Influence of the People in Southwark, Liverpool, and other laces-Conduct of Sir Fran cis Burdett, nominated for Middlesex-Trial of Lord Melville.

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HE accession of Mr. Fox to power, whatever hopes it might excite in political party, or in the great body of the nation, was a circumstar ce pregnant to himself with inconvenience and danger. In a life of retirement, which, comparatively speaking at least, he might be said to enjoy, before his summons to power by the death of his political rival, the consequences of his youthful eccentricities, were capable of being palliated by cautious attention and remedial applications. But on his advance to office, the perplexities of intrigue, the collision of claims, the chagrin of submitting to arrangements which he most desired to preclude, but which it seemed requisite to adopt, the prolonged contests in parliament, the frequent summonses to council, and even the very convivialities with which it was thought expedient to celebrate and cement a new administration, were but ill calculated for the preservation of that health, which was now more than ever desirable, but seemed also more than ever in danger. In: few months symptoms appeared of an alarming nature, and it was strongly apprehended that Mr. Fox laboured under an incipient dropsy. The business of the house of com

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mons he wasconsequently obliged to abandon: but with this deduction from his harassing employments the remainder pressed too heavily upon him; and whatever chance might have been afforded by a total abstinence from public business, and a recurrence to his rural retire'ment and regularity, this chance was not afforded. It was not long before the most decided indications of dropsy appeared, in consequence of which, all hope of continued life was founded upon a long succession of operations,which, in comparatively vigorous subjects, have sometimes preserved the springs of life for a series of years, but which a broken constitution has seldom, if ever, been capable of sustaining. The operation of tapping was several times performed on Mr. Fox, producing that temporary relief which it seldom fails to effect: but the disease was too formidable for effectual resistance, and, in a short time, even for mitigation. After a series of increasing languors, amidst which,the fondness of affection would seem to perceive foundations for hope, which medical skill could never really admit, this great man, in the 59th year of his age, closed his connection with all mortal

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The regret occasioned by this event was evinced by the general feeling at the reception of the intelligence, notwithstanding it had been so long expected, and by that procession which some time after wards took place on the solemn interment. The funeral was performed at private expense, but attended nevertheless by the most distinguished nobility, vast numbers of the house of commons, many dignitaries of the church, members of the whig club, electors of Westminster, and gentlemen deputed from distant parts of the country, in testimony of their repect for the character of the deceased, and an immense assemblage of the general population of the metropolis. One general sentiment of grief appeared to overwhelm all the distinctions of party politics, and the day that consigned Mr. Fox to the grave was consecrated, from all profane and factious asperity, to deplore the loss of a man, whose, genius, ac quirements, and virtues did honour to the nation and to the age. The private character of this great man appears to have abounded in all those qualities which can conciliate affection and esteem. The independence of his mind was totally unmixed with any portion of that surly asperity with which it is too frequently connected; and while it excited respect, it did not impair attachment. The frankness of his manners, the generosity of his feelings, which, agreeably to the testimony of one who knew him well, were unalloyed by the smallest particle of gall; the elevation of his principles, and that self-oblivion which he displayed in circumstances, where personal interest, in common minds, appears to absorb every, other sentiment, procured for him, in return, a degree of re

gard, which perhaps was scarcely ever exceeded to any human indi vidual, as he appears to have been excelled by no one in the tenderness of his affections, the sublimity of his views, and the comprehension and sagacity of his intelligence.

That unanimity of approbation bestowed on his individual character, it would be absurd to expect in his political one. A circumstantial detail of his public life would be ill suited to our present object; yet to advert to a few events in the career of this distinguished man, may be thought a natural appendage to the announcement of his quitting this earthly stage. In the commencement of his parliamentary course, he displayed those principles which he had derived from his father, and which were designated by the term toryism. Some altercation, however, having arisen between him and lord North, he was abruptly dismissed from his office, as commissioner of the treasu ry, and, with all the irritation of resentment at the sarcastic and triumphant mode with which his ejection had been declared to him by the premier, threw himself into the arms of the opposition, consisting of men of the most splendid talents, and to whom he afterwards confessed himself obliged for any knowledge of the true principles of the constitution, and for that glowing attachment to general liberty which he possessed. During his career of opposition the most indignant and personal language was applied by him to the principal minister lord North, for whose crimes no epithet was too strong and no punishment could be unmerited. The ill success of the American war, at length, combined effectually with the representations made of its folly and iniquity, by. Mr. Fox and his colleagues, to

bring it to a termination, and the party of opposition succeeded to the helm of government. The death of the marquis of Rockingham, who was the bond of union to this party, soon afterwards dissipated it; and lord Shelburne being appointed to the chief station in the government, Mr. Fox abandoned his situation and formed a political alliance with lord North, whose measures he had incessantly reprobated, and whose principles he had so frequently declared pregnant with all political and moral evil. This union, however, may be considered as reflecting more on the discretion of this great man than on his integrity. There appears no reason why men of the greatest abilities should not combine their talents in the service of their country, notwithstanding a long opposition on certain particular measures. The grand interests of the state are, in general, ob vious and admitted, and good manners and good temper are alone necessary to give the most beneficial effect to these alliances: but it appears requisite to this effect, that all the virulence of invective, and foulness of abuse, should not have been previous ly applied by one of these parties to the other; and that, notwithstanding the most determined opposition to measures, the promoters of them should be regarded as contemplating in them, however mistakenly, the national benefit. Had Mr. Fox's opposition been conducted within these limits, the measure of the union might have gained the approval instead of the reprobation of the country, and really have contributed, in a material degree, to its advantage. But after all that had passed between the parties, the British public could not pardon the forgiveness of Mr. Fox; and the introduction of the bill for the

government of India, which was his own avowed and favourite off spring, and which was calculated to give an influence to the ministry, if not beyond the control of the crown, at least alarming to its prerogatives, completed his expulsion from power. In the case of the regency, Mr. Fox, at that period on his travels through Italy, was recalled with all possible urgency, and returned with the greatest dispatch. Here again, however, his transcendent ability seems to have failed him; and instead of abiding by the expediency of appointing the heir apparent to the administration of sovereign power, he adopted the ground of absolute right in the prince-thus infringing on popular privilege, and furnishing his rival with an opportunity of standing forward on constitutional principles, and connecting the rights of the people and the measures of the ministry on this important topic: an opportunity on this occasion not lightly to be lost, and which was employed with equal exultation and effect. the trial of Mr. Hastings, Mr. Fox displayed all the eloquence and the energy, perseverance and sagacity, which that momentous case required: and with respect to the Spanish and Russian armaments, his efforts were successful in preventing the desolation of war, for objects, the importance of which by no means appeared capable of justifying the solemn and final appeal to arms, The mission of Mr. Adair, however, to the court of Catherine the second, with a view to counteract the representations of an authorised diplomatic agent from the executive power of this country, was an unjustifiable interference with the rights of that power, and an assumption on the part

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of an individual subject, deserving, at least, of strong reprehension.

At length was exhibited on the theatre of human affairs, that event which divided the opinions of the wisest and the friendships of the best of men, the French revolution. The glowing sentiments which animated Mr. Fox, at the dawn of liberty in France, did credit to his feelings, without detracting from the reputation of his wisdom. Within no long period, however, this event wore an aspect of alarm and danger. Attempts were made to sap the foundation of all legitimate authority. The understandings and the passions of men in France seemed to have for their object, to sweep away completely the institutions of ages; by which the greater part intended, probably, merely to clear a basis for the erection of some perfect system, which should preclude all public, if not personal, evil; while the designing few encouraged the general impulse, considering how they might build their own elevation on the ruins of preceding establishments. All those deviations of the human mind, which in all ages have tended to subvert the order of civil society; all the eccentricities of imagination on the important topics of property and marriage, on religion, politics, and morals, were circulated with extreme avidity; and he, whose suggestions were most in opposition to that experience, which, in all ages, is the only guide of life, was the most approved legislator of the day. These feelings were not confined within the limits of France,but were imported by the visitors from every neighbouring country; and every packet from France to England was said to be freighted with returning proselytes, who, in their turn, were zealous to become

evangelists of the rights of man, and to lay the axe at the root of all hereditary institutions. In this period of alarm, the course taken by Mr. Fox met with a decided opposition. The danger to the constitution existed not from prerogative, but from democratic phrensy. The crisis of the times required the reins of government to be held with a firm hand. It was a time which, it was asserted, might even suspend liberty to preserve order; without which, liberty is, in truth, only the most abhorred species of des potism. Yet the tide of the moment seemed to derivefresh impulse from the energies of Mr. Fox, The measures of the government to keep aloof from this happý island the mania which was laying waste the continent, were opposed by him with the extremes of ardour and perseverance; and the "sovereignty of the people," so incapable of being denied, but so liable to be abused, was incessantly presented to their notice, as if with a view to stimulate to that resumption of power from the crown which Mr. Fox would have been the first to have resisted with his blood. The long secession of Mr. Fox from parliamentary duty, is a which can never be vindicated by those who think, that in no case the country should be despaired of; and such conduct must, perhaps, be ever considered rather as an evidence of personal mortification, or diseased sensibility, than as the result of just views of patriotism and human nature. During the protracted course of his opposition, however, the utility of his parliamentary vigilance must in many cases be admitted. The eloquence and zeal with which he advocated the cause of American rights and general toleration, can never be forgotten:

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and should it be observed, that even these exertions were to be ascribed more to the leader of a po. litical party than to the principles or feelings of the man, let the observation be also extended to other acts of his opposition, which are imputed to him with all the severity of crimination. This remark is, in truth, of no unimportant consequence. Men of talents, out of power and place, without some thing of a regular opposition, would be thought likely to sink into that insignificance which would not only be unfavourable to their own projects of ambition, but to the interests of the nation, by relaxing the attention of ministers to the performance of their duty. The measures of ministry therefore often, if not generally, influence by the rule of contraries the conduct of opposition; and light and reprehensible as some may consider this mode of proceeding, which, certainly, has often been carried to the most criminal excess, it, at least, can scarcely be doubted to be that which has been adopted to a certain extent by the best and wisest oppositions that ever existed in this country. As advocates before a judge, regarding the English public in that capacity, they have considered themselves advancing with ministers every argument that could be suggested on all subjects of consequence that could be brought forward, and in every point of view; thus furnishing the materials, which it would be difficult, if not impossible, to obtain by any other means, from which truth and impartiality are to decide, and promoting that discussion which must be supposed friendly to the nation's interest. Liberal minds, reprobating, at the same time, the excesses sometimes resulting from

this system, will make considerable allowance from it for that conduct in an opposing party, which, without such reference, would draw down strong reprehension, and will be inclined to admit the probability that on an exchange of circum. stances, the hostile party would often have actually adopted the measures which it in fact resisted. With respect to the real sentiments and measures of a statesman, it would thus appear, that they seem rather to be collected from his conduct in the cabinet than out of it. Even this criterion, however, can be regarded as by no means infallible; and with regard to the present in stance, of Mr. Fox, the appointment of lord Eilenborough to a seat in the cabinet, and the bill to accommodate lord Grenville with the of fice of first lord of the treasury, which could not be considered as the most auspicious commencement of the new administration, will be presumed by many to have resulted rather from the necessity of his situation, or, to do justice to his patriotism, of his country's situation, than from his own individual and ardent wishes. But even admitting the perfection of the above test, Mr. Fox has unfortunately left but few materials of decision, his official life constituting only a very small part of his political existence.

The emergencies of the state requiring extraordinary means, it was creditable to Mr. Fox that he per sisted in the plan of his predecessor in raising a great portion of the supplies within the year. The clamour attending the adoption of this plan he wisely disregarded. Those who expected that great difficulties should be surmounted without extraordinary efforts, and that ministers, as by some magic spell, could raise immense sums without aggra

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