sidering it as the last effort of our care, and as an absolute duty, do express thus publicly a desire equally reasonable and just, that the persons who have hitherto been employed in the administration of justice, and in diplomatic and other affairs, for the good of the whole empire, and for the service of the chief of the empire, should be suitably provided for.

The care which all the states of the empire took of those persons who lost their places by the affair of the indemnity in 1803, induces us to hope that the same sentiments of justice will be extended to those individuals who have hitherto been employed in the general service, who have been chosen in all parts of the Germanic empire, and many of whom have quitted other profitable places, looking forward to an honourable subsistence for life, and which should not be wanting to them on account of their fidelity, and the integrity and capacity with which they have executed their functions.

We have therefore taken the resolution of preserving to those of our imperial servants, who have hitherto drawn their salaries from our chamber, the same appointments, reserving to ourselves to place them in employments in the service of our hereditary states, and we hope, with so much the more confidence, that the clectors, princes, and states will provide for the imperial chamber of justice of the empire, and the chancellerie of the chamher of justice, by charging themselves voluntarily with this expense, as it will be trifling in amount, and will diminish every year.

As to the chancelierie of the Aulic council of the empire, the funds destined for its support will

be employed to provide for the wants of those individuals who have hitherto drawn from thence their salaries: this will serve them until other measures may be taken. Done at our capital and residence of Vienna, under our impe rial seal, the 6th of August, 1806. FRANCIS

RUSSIAN STATE PAPER.

The undersigned, plenipotentiary of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, hastens to inform the marquis de Circello, that the Russian troops came into Naples, merely with a view of landing and making a diversion in favour of the Austrian army employed in the north of Italy; and this being no longer an object, since Austria has agreed to an armistice with France, and which probably will lead to a peace between these powers, the Russian troops will evacuate the territory of his Sicilian majesty., The English troops also, which were intended to co-operate with them, will return again to Malta. ·

The frequent representations which the undersigned has made to the minister of his Sicilian ma jesty, in order to restore this coun try to its neutrality, will operate as a certain proof that the declaration which he has now the honour to transmit, will be received with satisfaction. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to re new his former assurances, that his illustrious sovereign would have at all times respected the neutrality of these kingdoms, if the French government had not exhibited a cons trary example.

But as his imperial majesty now restores the kingdom of Na ples to its former neutrality, it is

his sincere wish that the cabinet of the Thuilleries may imitate his example, by which the country will escape those agitations, the termination of which we may now hope to see. It never was the intention of his imperial majesty to open the theatre of war in the kingdom of Naples; and it was with great re gret that he was compelled to take the measures alluded to.

The sentiments of sincere friendship, a proof of which the emperor has endeavoured to evince to his Sicilian majesty upon every occasion, will not permit him to doubt of the interest which his majesty the emperor will at all times take in the personal happiness of his Sicilian majesty, and in the wellbeing of his subjects.

When the true cause of landing the Russian and English troops in the kingdom of Naples shall be known, and the incapacity of his Sicilian majesty to resist them shall be taken into consideration, the proclamation of the French govern-ment, dated Schonbrunn sixth Frimaire, will be read with astonishment. This curious document, which might be taken for an emanation of pure benevolence, has apparently a later and a false date; and was certainly never known at Schonbrunn. The proclamation of general Massena of the thirteenth of January, which is not so violent, in fact, evinces in an equal degree, that the French government is determined to avail themselves of the temporary residence of the combined troops in Italy, for the purpose of extending their territory to the utmost limits of the peninsula; which, in fact, can never lead to that event, a general peace, which the French government has repeatedly held out as the object of its wishes." Naples, Dec. 25, O.S.-Jan. 6, 1806. 1806.

Declaration in council of his ma jesty the king of Prussia to the assembled deputies of the Hanoverian provinces.

Gentlemen,

By your appointment, your deputy, cour Von Hardenberg, has laid before me your representation of the third instant; and I have observed from it, with satisfaction, that you have acknowledged with gratitude my regulations in regard to the Hanoverian states. The additional sentiments therein contained are to me a security, that you will henceforth be devoted to me and my house with the same loyalty which you discovered for your former sovereigns. I therefore made no delay in more closely learning from your delegates those concerns that were intrusted to them by you, and now communicate to you the following an swer to the declaration given in by them:

1. With regard to the secula rization of the abbey of Marienrode, and the representation relative thereto, that not only the constitution of the states thereby suffered an alteration, but that one of the securities thereby appropriated to the payment of the public reve nue, and the discharge of the public debt, would be withdrawn, should the revenues of the said abbey be inseparably united with the possession of the domains, contrary to the legal agreement between the impropriators and the states, whereby the revenues accruing from 'secularized spiritual foundations should be distinctly and separately applied to charitable purposes: it should be observed, that this abbey legally belongs to Hildesheim, and thus my particular regulation respecting the sime can in no way

(R) prejudice

prejudice the said constitution. Besides, I have expressly established in the act of secularization, that in the mean time no change shall take place in respect to the contribution chargeable upon this abbey, towards the national revenue and the redemption of the pulic debt. For the rest, as it is far from being my intention to alter the destination of the effects of the abbey to charitable purposes, I feel satisfaction in assuring you, that the special administration of such parts as have been separated from the domains, and the application thereof to such beneficent and laudable purposes, shall be scrupulously continued, and the utmost care shall be taken both to augment these revenues by good management, and to ameliorate the mode of applying them, by the removal of all existing abuses.

2. The ad interim prohibition of home-made salt is to be considered solely as an inevitable regulation of police for securing an equal supply of that article of primary necessity, and cannot have the apprehended pernicious consequences, since the supply of salt will not thereby be diminished, but will only receive another direction. 3. The continuance of the hitherto existing constitution of the country in general, and

4. The continuance of the provincial constitutions, in particular, presupposes that a new and more intimate acquaintance with them may be more necessary than the commission of organization has been able to procure, in so short a period, and under such difficult circumstances. But they will incessantly continue their labours in this respect, and I will not hereaf, ter introduce any arbitrary changes, but such only as may be necessary to unite as intimately as possible

the Hanoverian territory with my monarchy, of which it now constitates a part, and to govern it by such laws as have been found, by long experience, the fundamental pillars of the power, the security, and prosperity of the Prussian states; wherefrom the established constitution will be so little excluded, that it will much rather be built up and strengthened, as you may learn from the example of the neighbouring provinces, Brandenburg, Magdeburg, and Haiberstadt.

5. The petition, with regard to any new modifications, upon which the states, together with other privileged orders, who may perhaps have particular knowledge of the subject, should be consulted, before that introduction, on account of any injurious consequences apprehended therefrom, is wholly conformable to the spirit of the maxims of the Prussian government, and will be pursued by the commission of organization in all doubtful cases whatsoever, and without particular instructions.

Finally, the military regulations, as soon as it can be done with safety, shall be so modified, that the grievances of the country, connected with the present extraordinary measures, shall wholly

cease.

From this answer you will infer, and I give you with pleasure the strongest assurances on this head, that my whole endeavours are exclusively directed to heal the wounds, which the hitherto unhap py wars have produced, and to render your country completely hap py. Neither ambition nor the lust of territory, but solely a conviction founded on experience, that the incorporation of the Hanoverian states with the Prussian monarchy

is obviously necessary for the welfare and security of both, have determined me to this union, and to the sacrifices connected with it. The past has taught you that England cannot protect you, and that you can be protected by Prussia alone. Prussia has now taken upon herself this protection, from which you have to expect greater security of person and of property, as well as the abolition of all oppres sive abuses which the distince of your rulers produced. But you must also closely unite with a government which has wrought you all these blessings, and support with counsel and action a constitution which has been decided upon for your benefit. On the other hand, I will always approve myself your gracious sovereign,

(Signed) FREDERICK WILLIAM. Charlottenburg, June 24, 1806.

PRUSSIAN MANIFESTO.

As his majesty the king of Prussia has taken up arms for the defence of his people, he thinks it necessary to lay before them, and all Europe, the circumstances which have imposed this duty on his majesty.

The politics of France have been the scourge of humanity during the last fifteen years. Those men who, in rapid succession, have been at the head of affairs in that country, have only sought the means of their dominion in war, and the guarantee of their existence in the wretchedness of the people may be viewed without astonishment. But the introduction of a regular government, to which the same necessity could not be imputed, gave new life to the hopes

of the friends of peace. Napoleon, invested with the supreme power, victorious, surrounded by weaker states, friendly disposed governments, or conquered and exhausted rivals, had it in his power to perform a better part. For the great ness of France, nothing more re mained for him to do; for her happiness, every thing was in his power.

It is painful to be compelled to say, that French politics still remained the same. An insatiableambition was still the ruling passion of France. She made use of arms and of treaties with the same view. The peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded before the signal for the first acts of violence followed. Holland and Switzerland, two independent states, were compelled to accept a constitution which converted them into French provinces. The renewal of war was the consequence.

Peace, however, still continued upon the continent. The German empire had purchased it by incal- ́ culable sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, nevertheless, the French troops invaded the electorate of Hanover; a country which had no concern in the war between France and England, while the ports of Germany were shut against the British flag; and the better to effect her object, France took possession of Cuxhaven, and the territory of a free state which was still more a stranger to the war than Hanover.

In the midst of this peace also, the same troops a few months after violated the German territory, in such a manner as to wound the honour of the nation still deeper. The Germans have never avenged the death of the duke D'Enghien; (R2)

but

but the remembrance of that event will never be extinguished among them.

The treaty of Luneville guarantied the independence of the Italian republic. In spite of the most positive promises did Napoleon place the iron crown of Italy upon his own head. Genoa was incorporated with France: Lucca was very near sharing the same fate. Only a few months before had the emperor, on a solemn occasion-an occasion which imposed very important duties upon him--declared before his people and before all Europe, that he wished not to extend the limits of his territory. Besides, France was bound, by a treaty with Russia, to put the king of Sardinia in possession of indemnities in Italy. Instead of fulfilling that obligation, she made herself mistress of every object which could have been serviceable towards that indemnification.

Portugal wished to maintain her neutrality, but Portugal was compelled to purchase by gold the deceitful security of a few mo

ments.

The Porte, who had not forgotten the invasion of Syria and Egypt, was the only power remaining in Europe which had not been subjected to the arbitrary proceedings of France.

But to these acts of violence, a system of abuse and injury remained still to be added. A journal, which proclaimed itself the voice of government, was chosen as a chronicle of the attacks incessantly made upon every crowned head. Prussia could be no stranger to any of these general acts of oppression. Many of them were nearly connected with her substantial interests; especially as the wis

dom of that system which considers the states of Europe as members of the same family, calls upon each of them for the defence of all; and that the unbounded aggrandizement of one state exposed the rest to danger, was sufficiently manifest to experience.

Still it is most essentially necessary to represent in what manner the conduct of France was calculated to operate in its immediate relation to Prussia.

It were superfluous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia. Prussia was the first power that acknowledged him. No promises, no menaces had been able to shake the king's neutrality. Every thing that the duty of a good neighbour could prescribe was most amply afforded during a period of six years. Prussia esteemed a valiant nation, which alone had learned, on its part, to respect Prussia both in war and peace; and she did justice to the genius of its chief. But the remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon.

Prussia had permitted the territory of Hanover to be invaded. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice; therefore was it her first view to remedy it. She offered herself for it instead of England, under the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least be recollected that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which she should not pass. Napoleon solemnly pledged himself not to compromise the neutrality of the northern states; to exercise no violence towards any of them; and, in particular, not to increase the number of troops in the electorate of Hanover, Scarcely