those kind of bills. Many fraudulently entered the prisons, to take the benefit of them.

The lord chancellor, having expressed an opinion similar to that of lord Ellenborough, lord Moira, after a short reply, consented to withdraw the bill for the present session.

The agitation of the public mind at the period to which we have brought down the proceedings of parliament, was great beyond all precedent. The information which might lead to a proper estimate of its real situation, had been constantly denied by ministers to the country; and the indecision and want of firmness which they had shewn on every trying occasion, left little room to hope for an honorable termination of the pending discussions with France. The character of our adversary, at once rapacious and subtile, was contrasted with the timid and wavering policy adopted by the British councils, and the most unfavorable conclusions were thence deduced. No circumstance had tended so much to deprive Mr. Addington of that public confidence and esteem, so essential to the very existence of a minister, as his retreat (to say the least of it, not a very honourable one,) from his confident assertion delivered in parliament on the 2d of December of the last year, namely, "that in

case of emergency, fifty sail of the "line could be prepared for sea "within one month; and even a larger number, were there an exigency sufficiently pressing." When that exigency did occur; two months after the king's message had

declared the necessity of arming, in consequence of the preparations on the coasts of France and Holland; and, that alarm of invasion was universally excited; on being urged in the house of commons, on the state of our naval preparations, on the 4th of May; he was obliged to own, we had but thirtytwo ships of the line in commission, (not fit for sea) and, that when he had asserted that we could equip fifty ships ready for sea, he only meant rigged and fitted out, but not manned and ready for serrice!!! What the real situation of the navy was at the moment here alluded to, it will be the subject of another portion of our history to state; suffice it, that it was such as to open the eyes of all ranks of people to its gross mal-administration.

Nor did the very strange declaration of one of the lords of the admiralty, in parliament, on the same occasion, tend to lessen the inquietude of the people, respecting the critical situation of the country. Our warlike preparations both naval and military, and the embodying of the militia force, had originated, as were stated in the usual official communications to the legis lation, on the grounds of the " preparations going on in the ports of France and Holland, and for the repelling a contemplated invasion on the part of France." Much indeed then, were parliament and the country surprized, in the course of the debate, on Sir Henry Mildmay's motion for naval enquiry, to hear from a person whose ministe rial functions gave him the most accurate means of information,

that

that "he desired to be understood, "that in all parts of the world, we "had a naval force much more "than adequate to cope with the "force of any power in Europe; "and, that at home, it was amply "sufficient to meet any French "force; which indeed, consisted of "nothing better than fishing boats, "and existed only in the minds of "a few gentlemen on the other *side of the house*!" Thus, in the face of the nation and of all Europe, was made a specific declaration,by a a minister, which left the public to conclude, that the alleged causes of our arming did not exist; and that they were simulated by the king's government, for the purpose of covering the real grounds of our hostile preparation, which were such as would not, or could not be avowed! it is but justice to state, that the same person who had made this extraordinary acknowledgment, † endeavoured by an entire and immediate retractation, to explain it away, and give it the semblance of a mere professional boast; but it was too late, the assertion remained in its full force, and subsequent facts abundantly confirmed the impression it had made.

During the painful and agitating suspence in which the nation was held pending the negociation with France, one of the most daring and infamous frauds ever attempted to be put into execution, was practised on the public credulity, though not with all the success, with which the contrivers of it had flattered themselves. At the moment when the

anxiety of the nation was highest, on the fifth of May between eight and nine o'clock in the morning, a person, habited like a government messenger, in a travelling dress, and in vast haste, delivered a letter at the mansion house, purporting to have come from the office of lord Hawkesbury, secretary of state for foreign affairs, and directed to the lord mayor of the city of London. To it a seal resembling that of office, was artfully affixed, and his lordship, having no doubt of the authenticity, lost no time in communicating its contents to the city with the usual publicity: they announced, the joyful intelligence of an amicable adjustment, of all matters in dispute between England and France, in the usual forms of official communication. The news spread with the rapidity of lightning, throughout all parts of the city; and the satisfaction and joy of every class of the people, were excessive. At the stock exchance, the funds rose above five per cent; nor was it till nearly three hours had elapsed, that the whole was discovered to have been a fabrication, doubtless for the purpose of taking advantage of the public delusion, by the sale of stock either real or fictitious, at the advanced prices it had created! The consternation and confusion which followed upon the discovery of the imposition, it is impossible to describe; business of every kind was suspended: and the elation it had inspired, now fell into the opposite point of dismay and apprehension. It is not our object

to

to detail with minuteness, the commercial inconveniences which were the consequences of this impudent fraud; we have here given it insertion, solely as a criterion, by which the bent of the wishes and hopes of the people may be decided upon; how averse they were from war; and as a proof into what complete security the nation had

been lulled by the assurances of ministers, that peace could be maintained on the basis of the treaty of Amiens alone, when it fell so easily and completely into the shallow snare of some interested adventurer, whose contrivance had flattered them into a belief, that it was yet attainable!

CHAP.

Pelham's motion, for adjournment till Monday, which was agreed to by a considerable majority. On the same day, in the house of commons,

The chancellor of the exchequer, made a similar communication, and moved, that the house should, at its rising, adjourn to Monday.

Mr. Fox, thought the adjournment too long, under the present circumstances, as news might arrive in the course of the next day, which would make a farther communication proper: he thought, in an hour of so much danger, the members should keep as much as possible, at their post.

Lord Hawkesbury, did not think it probable, that lord Whitworth could arrive before Sunday; and therefore, no communication was to be expected, until his arrival should put the government in possession of the official papers, with respect to the points in dispute.

Mr. Grey said, that every moment of time, was now of the utmost consequence, as the house might be detained, from giving that advice to his majesty, which might, perhaps, be the means of rescuing this country from ruin. He then moved, as an amendment, that the house should be adjourned till to-morrow, instead of Monday.

Mr. Canning wished, that the house should meet to-morrow: not that he expected that it was possible for ministers to lay full inform ation before the house, by that time; but nevertheless, he thought it possible, that they might have some additional communication to make. He thought, the house of commons ought, on this occasion, to sympa

thize with the public anxiety; and not delay a single day, for the purpose of enjoying a holiday. He therefore supported the amend

ment.

The secretary at war, thought it would be departing from their dignity, were the house to sit, at unusual times, merely because the French ambassador had demanded his passports: as no apparent good seemed likely to result from the amendment, he should therefore oppose it.

Mr. Whitbread, was then entering pretty fully into the question, when Mr. Pole Carew, thinking the discussion might lead to mischievous consequences, moved the standing order, that strangers should be excluded.

After some hours, spent in private debate, the house divided, and resolved, by a majority of 90, to adjourn, till the Monday following.

On the ensuing Monday, there was an unusual full attendance, in both houses, as a communication was expected.

In the house of lords, lord Pelham acquainted their lordships, that in consequence of a new proposal, made by the French government, to lord Whitworth, his lordship had resolved to continue his stay in Paris, until an answer should arrive from this country. The proposal was not, however, of such a nature, as could be now communicated to the house; and he could not hold out any expectation, that any consequences would result from it, save a short delay, in waiting for its answer.

The earl of Darnley, expressed his sense of the candor, which the

noble