who had negociated and signed it, formally and publicly agreed. To the indignation, therefore, we repeat, of the public, did this identical government call upon the British nation, for a sum of 60,000l. and an annuity of 16,000!. as a compensation for territorial domain, and personal property, confiscated or seized on, by the tools of gallic tyranny, without its being able to shew that the consummation of this arncle, so often vaunted of by ministers, in both houses of parliament, had ever been pressed, during ten months of peace, by a single remonstrance respecting its non

performance, on the part of his majesty, to any of the contracting parties!!! The inference, therefore, was obvious, that the article in question, was a deceptive and fraudulent manœuvre; and that though the appeal now made to the justice and generosity of the country, was admitted, on the part of the house of Nassau, to its fullest extent; yet that, as coming through those to whose want of precaution, timi dity, or supineness, its necessity originated, it was universally allow, ed to be a most barefaced and shameful transaction.

N the 28th day of July a message from his majesty was brought down to both houses, stating "that a treasonable and rebellious spirit of insurrection had manifested itself in Ireland, which had been marked by circumstances of peculiar atrocity in the city of DubJin; his majesty therefore recommended to the wisdom of parliament to adopt the necessary measures for its suppression."

This message having been read in the house of lords, by the lord Chancellor,

Lord Hobart, said it was with feelings of the utmost regret that he called the attention of their lordships to the violent and disgraceful outrages lately committed in Ire land, and particularly to the most atrocious and barbarous murder of that blameless and illustrious character, lord Kilwarden. His lordship then drew a most amiable picture of that great personage, who united every private to every pub

lic virtue; after stating the bills that he thought would probably be sent to that house by the commons, he concluded by moving an address to his majesty, thanking him for his gracious communication.

Lord Limerick expressed, with great animation, his sorrow for the outrages which disgraced that part of the united kingdom for which he came; he approved of the strong measures which were suggested for quelling the rebellion, and said that he was ready to share any odium that might have been incurred by those who advised similar measures in the last war.

The address was carried unanimously, and the house adjourned to eight o'clock, for the purpose of passing the bills which were expected to be brought up from the commons upon this subject. Between nine and ten, the chancellor of the exchequer brought up two bills; one for trying rebels in Ireland, by martial law, the second for

suspending

suspending the habeas corpus bill in Ireland.

The lord chancellor and lord Rosslyn agreed in opinion, that in cases of great emergency the standing orders of the house might be departed from, and instanced the bills passed at the time of the mutiny of the Nore.

The two bills were read through all their steps, and passed the same day.

In the house of commons, however, these bills occasioned some very animated discussion.

The chancellor of the exchequer moved the address: after expatiating much on the aggravated crime of treason in Ireland, at a time when that country had been so long governed with the utmost mildpess, and after every effort had been made to conciliate, he still declared, that from the best information he could receive, he believed the majority of the people of Ireland were decidedly loyal.

To

Mr. Windham observed that it was extremely unusual to vote an address the same night that the message had been received. give a proper attention to the objects of the message, it was usual to take at least a day to consider it, and in the present instance he thought a great deal more information was necessary than the house was at present possessed of; he could not reconcile this burst of rebellion with those conciliatory accounts of the loyalty and tranquillity of Ireland, which the house had heard so much of from ministers. It appeared as if the government of Ireland might be destroyed and its metropolis taken, before parliament was to have the slightest warning

of the state of that country: he wished therefore for the delay of a day for further information.

Mr. Sheridan said, he rose not to answer any argument, for he had heard none, but merely to express his astonishment, that any member in the house could start an objection to a measure of so much urgency. He concluded by describing eloquently, the sufferings which a delay of twenty-four hours might occasion to the loyal inhabitants of Ireland.

Mr. Hutchinson cordially supported the address, and expressed the greatest sorrow for the outrages that had disgraced the part of the united kingdom from which he came. Whatever were his feelings towards his country, he should vote for strong measures upon the pre

sent occasion.

Lord Hawkesbury replied with great warmth to Mr. Windham, be said that right hon. gentleman had formerly been troubled with no such qualms or delicate scruples as he was at present; he had frequently before voted for addresses the same day the message had been delivered. The proposition of delay was perfectly absurd in such an emergency as the present, the only tendency of his objection was to shew, that there did not exist a perfect unanimity in that house.

Dr. Lawrence, insisted that the whole system of ministers, consisted in blinding of the people, and preventing them from seeing the real state of affairs. They had constantly withheld information, and now demanded a hasty vote from passion, and not from deliberation.

Lord Castlereagh replied; and

after

after some observations from Mr. Alexander and Mr. Archdall, the question on the address was put, and carried unanimously.

sary.

The chancellor of the exchequer then laid before the house, a copy of the proclamation, issued by the lord lieutenant and council of Ireland, relative to this business. He then professed, that although he felt the deepest reluctance at bringing forward any measure of rigoraus severity, yet, in the present circumstances, he found it necesThe measures he then propased were, the empowering the executive of Ireland, to bring to a summary trial before courts martial all persons taken in rebellion; 2dly, to suspend the hubcas corpus act in Ireland. In the course of his speech, he took occasion to pay the highest compliment to the disinterested pa triotism.of Mr. Sheridan, who, in every critical situation of the country, gave all his great talents to its support.

Mr. Windham shortly explained, and ironically noticed the compliments which were passing between the chancellor of the exchequer and Mr. Sheridan.

Mr. Sheridan, in reply to some insinuation of Mr. Windham, said, that he had never in his life deserted his political principles, or his political attachments; while, on the other hand, that hon. gentleman had sat on every side of the house, fill at last he came, by a diagonal progression, from the treasurybench to his present scat.

After a variety of explanations, both bills were brought in, went through all their different stages, and carried to the lords; where they were passed the same night.

On the 29th, lord Castlereagh opened the India budget: after stats ing the revenues and expenditure of the company, for the year 1802, which he compared with those of the the preceeding year, he remarked, with much triumph, the augmenting prosperity of our East india possessions. After stating the affairs of the company much in detail,he mentioned the change in the Carnatic,and the treaty with the nabob of Oude, as among the principal causes of the rise in the company's income, the last year. He concluded, by move ing a string of resolutions, conformnable to his statements.

Mr. Francis lamented, that on a business of such national importance, as the affairs of India, there should be such a thin attendance of members. He considered the great principle of the act of parliament, for confining the limits of our territorial possessions in India, had been entirely departed from, in the recent conduct of our government in that country. Notwithstanding the increase of our territories and revenues in India, the India debt has considerably increased, and the annual surplus is not more than when our territories were smaller.

Mr. Prinsep, entered at large into the commercial situation of the company's affairs, which he contended did not warrant the statement which had been made, that the company were trading on capi tal borrowed on India. That their assumed profits were fallacious, and formed upon false principles. He concluded, by expressing a doubt, that a colony which had ten times the extent and population of the mother country, could be well governed by a privileged corporation.

The

The resolutions were then agreed to in the committee; but upon the report being brought up, on the 28 of August,

Mr. Prinsep again rose, and repeated his former arguments, principally labouring to prove, that the surplus revenue should be applied to the reduction of Indian debt, and not to increased investments. He contended that it was to the opposite system we owed the present debt of India.

After some explanations from Lord Castlereagh, the resolutions of the committee were agreed to by the house, and the report received. The defence bill afforded another very animated discussion in the house of commons; as did Mr. Sheridan's motion of thanks to the volunteers, on the 10th; and Mr. Hutchinson's motion, on the affairs of Ireland, on the 11th.

themselves in rank. His opinion on that subject, was much streng thened, by observations he had met in the public prints, in which he but seldom found any thing worthy attention.

Mr. Sheridan ridiculed this attack on the public prints, and said, that although the daily papers presented nothing worthy that gentleman's notice, yet there was a certain weekly paper (Cobbet's Register), to which he appeared more partial. For his part, he was candid enough to allow, that there was some merit in that print [Mr. W. bowed]. The hon. gentleman answered with a condescending bow, he should therefore go no farther, for fear of hurting the feelings and blushing modesty of an author; perhaps the right hon. gentleman wrote a little for that weekly register. He liked the present bill, because it went to increase the number of volunteers. Every body must allow, that the volun

The secretary at war explained, that when the number of volunteers should be sufficient for the defence of the country, it had been the intention of the legislature, to empower his majesty to suspend the operation of the act.

Mr. Windham disapproved of the volunteer corps, as forming bodies of aristocracy, for the defence of the country, from which some were excluded from not being able to purchase uniforms; and others from that kind of modesty, that declined the distinction of a red coat, and prevented men from associating with those superior t

superior in discipline and efficiency to what could be expected from an equal number of men, raised by the levy en masse. It was, however, a very good hint to men to turn volunteers to know, that if they did not, they might, in the course of a single month, find themselves in the ranks of common soldiers; subject to be tied up to the halberts, if they were to give a saucy answer to the serjeant.

Mr. Windham said, that the hon. gentleman, who spoke last, had shewn all the zeal of a new convert, in supporting administration, and, like a raw recruit, had fired off his musquet, without ascertaining where was the enemy. He contended,

that