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courageous men, and our duty is to profess and to propagate the doctrines of pure and indisputable morality.

· Let the theory of assassination be left to the Jesuits, and let us abandon the poniard to the Sanfedisti.' Although the letter contains no reference, direct or indirect, to Mazzini, it was nevertheless bitterly resented by him, and he replied in terms of much acerbity. We recommend a comparison of the rhetorical egotism of his reply with the genuine patriotism of Manin's language to all who would judge between the two men.

The majority of Republicans had come to consider Mazzini impracticable, as, indeed, he was after 1849, and followed Manin in accepting the programme of union under a Nationalist king.

Of a delicate constitution, Manin did not live to see Italy united, or Venice free. He died in Paris on September 22, 1857, leaving behind him a name as spotless, both in public

and private life, as any which adorns the pages either of (ancient or of modern history.'

Neither the revolutionary turmoil of 1848 nor its ultimate defeat by the forces of reaction was confined to Italy. Yet the Italian Liberals paid the heaviest penalty for failure, and that not through any greater faults of their own; for, although they shared to the full the weaknesses and defects which led to the same result in other lands, it is in them that the nobler side of the cataclysmic upheaval is most clearly manifested. For it had its nobler aspect, at any rate in Italy, an aspect which has not failed to earn our historian's just appreciation:

* Though it fell so short in grip and power, the spirit that made and spoilt the revolution had a very beautiful and noble side. The sentimentalism had for its obverse an enthusiasm and faith, sweet and pure and human, that set its trust in righteousness, that refused to bate one jot of its high ideals, that sent men to war with the crusader's badge, to rush on Austrian or French bayonets with a prayer on their lips, glad to give their lives for Italy.'

ART. VI.-1. Mission en Cappadoce, 1893–94. By E. CHANTRE.

Paris : 1898. 2. Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien. By K. HUMANN

and O. PUCHSTEIN. Berlin : 1890. 3. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Penn

sylvania. Edited by H. V. HILPRECHT. Vol. I., parts i.

and ii. Philadelphia : 1893, 1896. One of the most remarkable results of recent exploration

in Western Asia has been the discovery that, from the earliest ages, the influence of Babylonian civilisation extended far west into Syria and Asia Minor, preceding in these regions by many centuries the temporary influence of Egypt. The excavations conducted by M. Chautre in Cappadocia have produced tablets, seals, votive figures, pottery, &c., in abundance, casting much new light on this matter; and, though he had many predecessors in explora. tion of this region, his results are among the most important obtained since the recovery of the Amarna tablets in 1887, and the German excavations at Samalla in North Syria. The history of Greek civilisation, not less than that of the Hebrews, is profoundly affected by these discoveries; and the influence of Chaldea must be recognised, not only in Palestine, but also in Ionia, where the so-called Mycenæan or Ægean art appears to have sprung from an Asiatic source.

Without forgetting our obligations to Texier, Perrot, Ramsay, Wilson, Hogarth, Humann, Pachstein, Davis, and others, it may be predicted that the name of M. Chantre will stand high in the list of successful explorers in this region. He has travelled widely in Syria, Armenia, and Asia Minor, from the Caucasus to the Ægean; and the mission with which he was entrusted by the French Government in 1893 was most successful. Wherever he has gone his diligence has secured a considerable harvest. He is an ethnologist and naturalist, rather than one of the modern school of professional and often too narrow and dogmatic) archæologists; and though he possesses only a general knowledge of antiquity, and is obliged to submit his results to specialists for explanations (sometimes more pretentious than sound), the good sense of his personaland very modest-conclusions is as remarkable as his energy in travel and his diligence in collecting genuine records.

The discoveries and explorations of M. Chantre represent Cappadocian civilisation from at least 2500 B.C. down to the time of Justinian. They include the ancient texts and sculptures which he, like others, compares with those of Chaldea, the early Aryan remains, the Persian, the Greek, and the Roman. Broadly speaking, the history of this region began with colonisation by Mongols, related to the first civilised race of Mesopotamia, which is usually known as Akkadian. About 850 B.C. the Medes and Scythianswhom Sir H. Rawlinson has shown to have been Aryans*

- displaced these older rulers in the East; while the Ionians, Phrygians, and Lydians, who were also Aryans, pressed in from the shores of the Hellespont till, in the sixth century B.C., Creesus ruined the cities of the older civilised tribes.f The Semitic Babylonians were known in Cappadocia at least as early as 2000 s.c. in the character of traders, and the Assyrians invaded Cilicia and drove the Mongols to the North in the ninth century B.C. Cyrus and his successors, following the Medes from the East, established the Persian sway in Asia Minor in the sixth century B.C., and the Greeks, mingling first with Phrygians (from whom, according to Herodotus, the Armenians were descended) and with other Asiatic Aryans who had preceded them from Europe, displaced the Persian rulers after the conquests of Alexander the Great in 334 B.C. PersoGreek civilisation continued to prevail, under Roman and Byzantine emperors, until the time of Turkish conquest by Alp Arslan (1063 A.D.), which resulted in the permanent settlement of a Turkish population in Asia Minor, in spite of the Greeks and Armenians who profited by the Crusades. The Seljuks have left many important remains in this region, as have the early Ottomans, after the transient victory of the Mongols under Timur. We have thus to consider in turn-first, the period vaguely called • Pre

Hellenic,' Proto-Armenian,' or 'Syro-Asiatic' by various writers, which might better be defined as Kassite or Akkadian; second, the appearance of Semitic traders from Babylon; third, the inroads of the Assyrians; fourth, the establishment of the Aryans; fifth, the Persian conquest; sixth, the Greek domination; and after these the rule of the Romans and of the Turks. Cappadocia shared the same history, better known in other regions. It was on the southern highway to Ionia from Syria, and along its north ?

* Herodotus, 3rd edit. vol, iii. pp. 190, 702 ; vol. i. p.

202. Ibid. i. 76.

border ran the route which led from Europe to Armenia, by which Phrygians and Armenians advanced eastwards before the time of Herodotus.

Boghaz Keui (town of the defile") is an ancient site east of the Halys, on the borders of Pontus, which is usually supposed to represent the Pterium of Herodotus.* Texier and others bad discovered, very early, at and near this site, the remains of a very old civilisation. This has long been recognised as being the same found all over Asia Minor, North Syria, and even in Assyria, and it has been called • Hittite,' much as we might call the English race 'Kentish,' because it is also represented in the ruins of Carchemish, Meråsh, Aleppo, and Hamath, or in the region where, according to the Assyrian and Egyptian records, the Hittites lived between 1700 and 700 B.C. But no previous explorer had recovered any texts in the peculiar script of this race before M. Chantre at this particular site; and to these he has added the remarkable tablets in a non-Semitic language, which Colonel Conder has recently translated, f and which are written in the familiar characters which represent the cuneiform of the twelfth century B.C. or later. These letters and reports represent the political and social conditions of this early Cappadocian race at the time when they were resisting the inroads of the Assyrians who, in the twelfth century B.C., conquered the tribes of Syria and Southern Armenia under Tiglath Pileser I., and about 832 B.C. advanced across the Amanus under Shalmaneser II., and, driving the Mongols to their northern plateaux, extended their sway in Cilicia as far as Tarsus. For the purpose of writing letters it appears, therefore, that the Kati tribes had then abandoned their original script in favour of cuneiform, and we have two seals much older, on which the so-called “Hittite characters stand side by side with Semitic texts in cuneiform. We know also, from two letters in the Amarna collection, that both the Hittites and the Mongols of Matiene (or Armenia) used cuneiform in the fifteenth century B.C.; and as the alphabet had come into use in Syria at least before 800 B.C. (as shown by texts well dated found by the Germans at Samalla), it is only natural to conclude with M. Chantre, who believes the Hittite texts to have been written between 2500 and 2000 B.C., that these inscriptions and the archaic bas-reliefs which

# Herodotus, i. 75. to Times,' October 10, 1899.

# Nos. 10 and 27, Berlin Collection.

they accompany represent an ancient system which was gradually superseded by more widely used scripts before about 1500 B.C., and an art which can only be compared with that of the earliest Mongol race of Chaldea, and which is too rude in character to be placed as late as the more advanced work of the Assyrians, represented by the monuments of Nineveh.

We learn, then, that the Kati were a people ruled by kings or princes, possessing fortified towns, making use of auguries to decide their warlike designs; and also trading from at least 2000 B.C., and down to the eighth century B.O., with the Semitic Babylonian merchants, who travelled among them. In language, customs, physical type, dress, and religion they are indistinguishable from their relatives in Syria and Armenia, who were called Minni, Hittites, Kaska, &c. These tribes--all of one race-allied themselves for resistance against Assyria, but appear to have then had no central supreme authority. Their religious system, and the symbolism by which it was expressed, are the same found among the Akkadians and Kassites in Babylonia ; and the names even of the gods were the same, as may be seen in the attached list, taken from various notices of divine names in cuneiform and other texts :

Deity Hittite Kassite Akkadian Meaning Heaven Tarku Turgu

Tarum * High' Earth Ma

Ma

* Earth'
Sun
Uru
Urus

Eri Shining'
Moon Iskhara

Iskhara • Light maker'
Water Zovo
Suru

Stream'
Fire
Set

Sit

· Fire' Air Tessub Tessub

Moisture'? What is here seen to apply to the names of gods applies to many other known words as well, which have been found to connect the language of the early inhabitants of Syria and Asia Minor with that of the Kassites and Akkadians of Mesopotamia.

Close to Pterium, on the east, is the wonderful rock temple of Iasili Kaia (carved stone '), with its great procession of figures approaching the two supreme deities of heaven and earth--the former, male, and standing on the shoulders of men; the latter, female, and erect on a lion as Ma, the earth ' goddess of Cappadocia, was represented much later. Behind her is the sun-god, also on a lion, and two smaller goddesses, borne aloft by the two-headed eagle -a peculiarly Mongol emblem. The northern procession of

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